2018年11月24＆25日托福考試閱讀預(yù)測(cè)機(jī)經(jīng)（版本合集?。?/h1>

• 時(shí)間：2021-08-05

• 來(lái)源：留學(xué)監(jiān)理網(wǎng)

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各位考生，本周末兩天將迎來(lái)本月的最后兩場(chǎng)托?？荚?/a>。大家是否已經(jīng)做好了充分的準(zhǔn)備？小編整理了有關(guān)本場(chǎng)考試的預(yù)測(cè)機(jī)經(jīng)，說(shuō)不定會(huì)助大家一臂之力哦~以下是兩場(chǎng)考試的閱讀預(yù)測(cè)機(jī)經(jīng)。

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一、介紹Mammoths(猛犸象)生活的時(shí)間，和滅絕的時(shí)間。猛犸象生活照距今180萬(wàn)年到1.1萬(wàn)年期間的更新世(Pleistocene)。在距今1.1萬(wàn)年的時(shí)候，基本滅絕。滅絕原因是氣候變化。氣候滅絕理論認(rèn)為距今1.3萬(wàn)年-1萬(wàn)年的時(shí)候，氣溫上升了6℃，夏天變的更長(zhǎng)更熱，冬天變得更長(zhǎng)更冷。溫和氣候時(shí)間持續(xù)較短。這就影響了食草動(dòng)物們的食物，也即是植被的生長(zhǎng)。該理論模型認(rèn)為，如果猛犸象常常食用三種類型的食物A, B, C，氣候變化后，會(huì)使得這幾種植物生長(zhǎng)地理位置發(fā)生變化，不再生長(zhǎng)在同一處區(qū)域。猛犸象即使隨著水草遷徙。因?yàn)槊歪锵筚囈陨娴闹脖簧L(zhǎng)區(qū)的變化，導(dǎo)致猛犸象不再像以前一樣能獲得足夠的營(yíng)養(yǎng)，導(dǎo)致猛犸象題型變小，數(shù)量減少。同時(shí)，因?yàn)橹脖粚?dǎo)致了猛犸象的遷徙，使得猛犸象的種群數(shù)量被隔離成很小的種群，不同種群之間無(wú)法繁殖。小種群內(nèi)部的繁殖導(dǎo)致基因質(zhì)量越來(lái)越差，最終滅絕。舉例證明，生活在歐亞大陸的猛犸象就符合上面給出的氣候滅絕理論模型。對(duì)猛犸象食用的植物減少，營(yíng)養(yǎng)降低導(dǎo)致猛犸象滅絕的理論的提出質(zhì)疑。因?yàn)?，雖然氣候變化，但北美地區(qū)的哥倫比亞猛犸象能夠很容易遷徙到附近160公里的水草豐美的地方，但是哥倫比亞猛犸象還是滅絕了。對(duì)氣候變化導(dǎo)致滅絕提出質(zhì)疑，提到猛犸象生活的更新世Pleistocene，至少有個(gè)22詞較大的氣候周期變化，之前的氣候變化都沒(méi)有導(dǎo)致猛犸象滅絕，這一次滅絕了，理論站不住腳。

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二、人類最早定居北美的時(shí)間存在爭(zhēng)議，最終伴隨著一種人制石刃工具F points在野牛肋骨間的發(fā)現(xiàn)，確認(rèn)了人類北美定居時(shí)間至少一萬(wàn)年前(因?yàn)樵撘芭Ｓ谝蝗f(wàn)年前滅絕)。后來(lái)在Clovis又發(fā)現(xiàn)比F points還要古老的石刃工具，被稱為Clovis points，有人認(rèn)為Clovis points的使用者就是首次出現(xiàn)在北美大陸上的人類，但也有人對(duì)此持反對(duì)態(tài)度。

“Clovis人是首批出現(xiàn)在北美的人”的支持者要求該理論的反對(duì)者去尋找證據(jù)，證明在Clovis人之前也有人類定居，但這樣的證據(jù)很少;不過(guò)證據(jù)少不能證明這樣的事情就沒(méi)有發(fā)生，Clovis First理論的反對(duì)者由此解釋說(shuō)可能是因?yàn)樽钤绲竭_(dá)北美的人類為數(shù)太少因此沒(méi)有留下太多證據(jù)。

關(guān)于Clovis First理論(Clovis人是首批到達(dá)北美的人)的一個(gè)新近爭(zhēng)議來(lái)自歐亞大陸S文化的發(fā)現(xiàn)，S文化所用的石刃工具很像Clovis的石刃工具，但S文化比Clovis早了幾千年，有可能是這些S文化的人在大西洋出海捕獵最終到達(dá)了北美東北海岸。

三、首段：介紹美國(guó)編舞家的一些背景以及成就

第二段：提到他自己的理念 如何保證有創(chuàng)造性，在跳舞前會(huì)準(zhǔn)備很多一系列的舞蹈組合動(dòng)作，這些動(dòng)作要比他真正在表演時(shí)跳的動(dòng)作多出很多，這樣他就可以在舞臺(tái)上隨意的把不同的動(dòng)作自由的組合，這不同于即興的表演或者是臨場(chǎng)發(fā)揮，而是一種所謂的chance，利用這個(gè)理念他就可以每一次都會(huì)帶給觀眾不同的表演感受并且這些都可以保證合理的品質(zhì)。

第三段：講述在他的舞蹈中舞臺(tái)的使用跟其他人有很大的區(qū)別，別人可能僅僅利用舞臺(tái)中央的部分，但是他會(huì)同時(shí)在舞臺(tái)的各個(gè)角落都安排舞者跳舞，這樣觀眾可以自由的漫游在不同的舞臺(tái)部分來(lái)欣賞各種組合帶來(lái)的感官體驗(yàn)，這樣就可以達(dá)到一種渾然天成的組合。

第四段：在他的舞蹈中還有一個(gè)重要的理念就是events，意思是雖然音樂(lè) 布景以及舞者的動(dòng)作都是獨(dú)立的，但是當(dāng)我們變換不同的背景和音樂(lè)之后，舞者仍然可以配合動(dòng)作表現(xiàn)天然的一致性來(lái)愉悅觀眾

四、提到嬰兒時(shí)期pretend play的幾個(gè)發(fā)展階段以及pretend play的好處。發(fā)展階段從單純的玩到模仿玩具在現(xiàn)實(shí)中的作用(用玩具電話做打電話的作用)，再到無(wú)實(shí)物模仿(沒(méi)有玩具電話，大人假裝給嬰兒打電話嬰兒也會(huì)回應(yīng))，再到模仿社會(huì)中的角色(爸爸媽媽。托兒所老師)，好處一、social communicate；二、更善于處理不好的情緒和矛盾。

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P1: The Old Stone Age is the earliest period of human development and the longest phase of mankind’s history. It was not till around 30 thousand years ago (or 30 “kya") that the archaeological record reveals the emergence of technical and social advances, which comprised new technologies, hunting techniques, human burials, and an artistic tradition of astonishing competency. This dramatic change was known as the Upper Paleolithic Revolution. It had been traditionally argued that the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was an archaeological phenomenon exclusive to Eurasia. The absence of equivalent evidence in other regions suggested that a fundamental change had occurred in human intellectual development around 40 kya in Europe. However, the recent discovery in the Blombos Cave in South Africa of a block of decorated ochre and then sets of shell beads, dated to around 77 kya, opened up the debate. This supports other evidence of more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa from the same period. Now the Upper Paleolithic Revolution is regarded as the most noticeable evidence for the evolution of modern human behavior.

舊石器時(shí)代是人類發(fā)展的最早時(shí)期，也是人類歷史上最長(zhǎng)的時(shí)期。直到大約3萬(wàn)年前(或30“kya”)，考古記錄才揭示了技術(shù)和社會(huì)進(jìn)步的出現(xiàn)，其中包括新技術(shù)、狩獵技術(shù)、人類埋葬和驚人能力的藝術(shù)傳統(tǒng)。這種戲劇性的變化被稱為舊石器時(shí)代晚期的革命。人們一直認(rèn)為舊石器時(shí)代晚期的革命是歐亞大陸?yīng)氂械目脊努F(xiàn)象。在其他地區(qū)缺乏相同的證據(jù)表明，在歐洲約40個(gè)kya地區(qū)，人類智力發(fā)展發(fā)生了根本的變化。然而，最近在南非布隆伯斯洞穴中發(fā)現(xiàn)的一塊裝飾過(guò)的赭石和幾組貝殼珠子，其年代可追溯至77基亞，引發(fā)了爭(zhēng)論。這也支持了在同一時(shí)期在非洲發(fā)現(xiàn)的更多功能的石器和骨骼工具的其他證據(jù)?，F(xiàn)在，舊石器時(shí)代晚期的革命被認(rèn)為是現(xiàn)代人類行為進(jìn)化最顯著的證據(jù)。

?P2: Two further questions follow. First, what was happening to the human cognitive process during the 40,000 years or so from innovative usage of stone in the Blombos Cave to the flourishing of human creativity in Europe? Second, during the Pleistocene a series of momentous climatic events occurred—was climate change then a component? The question of whether the sudden transition seen in Europe was built on earlier developments in Africa has been addressed at length by anthropologists Sally McBrearty and Alison Brooks. They argue that the whole issue of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution stems from a profound Eurocentric bias and a failure to appreciate the depth and breadth of the African archaeological record.

接下來(lái)還有兩個(gè)問(wèn)題。首先，在大約4萬(wàn)年的時(shí)間里，人類的認(rèn)知過(guò)程發(fā)生了什么變化，從布隆伯斯山洞的石頭的創(chuàng)新使用到歐洲人類創(chuàng)造力的繁榮?第二，更新世期間發(fā)生了一系列重大的氣候事件——?dú)夂蜃兓瞧渲械囊粋€(gè)組成部分嗎?人類學(xué)家薩利?麥克布里亞蒂(Sally McBrearty)和艾莉森?布魯克斯(Alison Brooks)對(duì)歐洲的突然轉(zhuǎn)變是否建立在非洲早期發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)上的問(wèn)題進(jìn)行了詳盡的探討。他們認(rèn)為，舊石器時(shí)代晚期革命的整個(gè)問(wèn)題都源自于一種深刻的歐洲中心主義偏見(jiàn)，以及未能理解非洲考古記錄的深度和廣度。

In fact, many South African archaeological sites show that the revolution occurred in Africa during the Middle Paleolithic—tens of thousands of years before they appeared in Europe. This is supported by evidence of using new stone tools like the blade and microlithic technology. Replication has shown that blades from the time required a high level of skill to make due to their shape, indicating a higher level of hominid complexity. At the same time, exploitation of aquatic resources began to prosper.

?P3: Contrasted with this view of a spontaneous leap in cognition among ancient 一 humans, some authors like Alison S. Brooks, primarily working in African archaeology, point to the gradual accumulation of modern behaviors, starting well before the 50,000 year benchmark of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution models. The extraordinary range of rock art in Australia adds great weight to the idea that artistic creativity was part and parcel of the intellectual capacity of modem humans that migrated out of Africa around 70 kya For the time being, the emergence of Modern humans in sub-Saharan Africa, socio-economic dynamism that caused their expansion through the Nile Valley into the Near East, and then a migration along the southern route of Asia as far as Australia is the most plausible scenario, though it still leaves much to be desired from future archaeological research.

與這種觀點(diǎn)的自發(fā)飛躍認(rèn)知在古代一人類,一些作者喜歡艾莉森·s·布魯克斯,主要在非洲考古工作,指出現(xiàn)代行為的逐漸積累,開始在50000年的舊石器時(shí)代晚期革命的基準(zhǔn)模型。澳大利亞巖石藝術(shù)的非凡的范圍增加了很大的重量,藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作是現(xiàn)代人類的智力的一部分遷移出非洲大約有70 kya目前,現(xiàn)代人類的出現(xiàn)在撒哈拉以南非洲地區(qū),社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)活力,導(dǎo)致他們的擴(kuò)張通過(guò)尼羅河流域近東,然后遷移亞洲南部路線到澳大利亞是最合理的情況下,然而，在未來(lái)的考古學(xué)研究中仍有許多不足之處。

?P4: The question of the sudden emergence of creative activity that appears to constitute the Upper Paleolithic Revolution falls to the ground. The obvious explanation is that the gap between African developments and the subsequent better-known European events is a matter of the limitations of the archaeological record. This does not altogether cover the question of why there was the sudden flowering of creativity at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in Europe.

It may be that earlier creative efforts have either been lost in or have yet to emerge from the mists of time. Recent finds of decorative pierced shells dating from 43 kya or even earlier in caves in parts of western Asia near Europe may be examples of a process extending the evidence back in time. The changes in human behavior have also been attributed to the changes in climate during the period, which encompasses a number of global temperature drops. This meant a worsening of the already bitter climate which hence forced the ancestors of today's Europeans to move into a largely unpopulated region, their sudden presence in the archaeological record appearing revolutionary.

似乎構(gòu)成舊石器時(shí)代晚期革命的創(chuàng)造性活動(dòng)突然出現(xiàn)的問(wèn)題已經(jīng)不攻自破。顯而易見(jiàn)的解釋是，非洲的發(fā)展與后來(lái)更為人熟知的歐洲事件之間的差距在于考古記錄的局限性。這并不能完全解釋為什么在舊石器時(shí)代晚期的歐洲，創(chuàng)造力突然爆發(fā)。

可能是早期的創(chuàng)造性努力要么迷失在時(shí)間的迷霧中，要么還沒(méi)有從時(shí)間的迷霧中浮現(xiàn)出來(lái)。最近在西歐附近的西亞部分地區(qū)的洞穴中發(fā)現(xiàn)的裝飾刺穿的貝殼可以追溯到43年前，甚至更早的時(shí)候，這可能是將證據(jù)追溯到過(guò)去的一個(gè)過(guò)程。人類行為的變化也歸因于這一時(shí)期的氣候變化，包括全球溫度的下降。這意味著已經(jīng)很惡劣的氣候正在惡化，這迫使今天的歐洲人的祖先搬到一個(gè)人煙稀少的地區(qū)，他們的突然出現(xiàn)在考古記錄中似乎具有革命性。

題目：

1. Why does the author mention a block of decorated ochre and sets of shell beads? 為什么作者提到了一塊裝飾的赭石和一套貝殼珠?

A. To help make the point that archaeologists regard artistic creations as the highest kind of human achievement

B. To illustrate how the discovery of certain objects makes the discovery of certain other objects more likely

C. To give some of the evidence that has changed archaeologists' thinking about human intellectual development

D. To help explain why archaeologists have been slow to recognize the importance of certain evidence available to them

2. How far back in time do the origins of the more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa go? 在非洲發(fā)現(xiàn)的用途更廣泛的石器和骨骼工具的起源可以追溯到多久以前?

A. To around 40 kya

B. To around 77 kya

C. To the time of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution

D. To a time before modern "human” behavior had begun to evolve

3. The word "equivalent" in the passage is closest in meaning to文中“等效”一詞的意思最接近

A. comprehensible

B. concrete

C. comparable

D. widely debated

4. According to paragraph 2, what do archaeologists want to know about the climate? 根據(jù)第二段，考古學(xué)家想知道關(guān)于氣候的什么?

A. Whether it was a reason that humans lived in caves

B. Whether it was stable throughout that period

C. Whether it changed in similar ways in Africa and Europe

D. Whether it was a factor in how the human cognitive process developed

5. According to paragraph 2, anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks argue that archaeologists' traditional understanding of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was flawed because根據(jù)第二段，人類學(xué)家麥克布里亞蒂和布魯克斯認(rèn)為考古學(xué)家對(duì)舊石器時(shí)代晚期革命的傳統(tǒng)理解是有缺陷的，因?yàn)?/strong>

A. they underestimated available African archaeological evidence.

B. the archaeological evidence available to them contained errors.

C. they could not distinguish artistic creations from objects meant for practical use.

D. they based their judgments on the limited archaeological record available at that time.

6. Anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks consider such components of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution as blade and microlithic technology to have麥克布里亞蒂和布魯克斯認(rèn)為舊石器時(shí)代晚期革命的組成部分，如刀刃和微巖屑技術(shù)

A. first emerged in the Middle Paleolithic Period, in Africa rather than in Europe

B. emerged in Europe independently in many different places at different times

C. first emerged in Europe, then to have been further developed in Africa

D. been part of a similarly sudden, but earlier, cultural revolution in Africa

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