2018年12月15＆16日托?？荚囬喿x預(yù)測(cè)機(jī)經(jīng)（版本合集！）

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1.High Middle Ages中世紀(jì)鼎盛時(shí)期

西羅馬帝國(guó)滅亡之后，歐洲經(jīng)濟(jì)經(jīng)歷了數(shù)百年的停滯(stagnation)，直到公元1000年才迎來(lái)復(fù)蘇，此后持續(xù)了300多年的繁榮，這個(gè)時(shí)期(1000-1300)被稱(chēng)為中世紀(jì)的鼎盛期(the High Middle Ages)。鼎盛期的出現(xiàn)原因有三。一是心理原因(psychological reason)。當(dāng)時(shí)廣為流傳的預(yù)言(the widespread prophecies)說(shuō)世界將在公元1000年毀滅，但實(shí)際并未發(fā)生。于是人們重拾對(duì)生活的信心。二是政治原因。當(dāng)時(shí)歐洲大范圍的外族入侵停止了(foreign incursions had ceased)。三是農(nóng)業(yè)技術(shù)的提高。三田輪耕系統(tǒng)(a three-field system)取代了先前的二田輪耕系統(tǒng)。土地每三年休耕一次(uncultivated every third year)，而不是每?jī)赡昃托莞淮?，這導(dǎo)致農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)大大增加。此外，農(nóng)業(yè)工具犁也從木制改為鐵制，并且耕畜(draft animal)從牛改為馬，生產(chǎn)效率大大提高。

中世紀(jì)鼎盛期的經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮帶來(lái)的一個(gè)主要結(jié)果是人口增長(zhǎng)。人口的增長(zhǎng)反過(guò)來(lái)(in turn)又產(chǎn)生兩個(gè)進(jìn)一步的影響，即人們需要消費(fèi)更多的商品，并且需要開(kāi)墾更多的土地(more land reclamation)。人們圍海圍湖造田，并且在森林覆蓋的地區(qū)，開(kāi)辟出新的農(nóng)場(chǎng)和村莊。各個(gè)地區(qū)之間的陸地貿(mào)易和河流貿(mào)易都大幅提高，貿(mào)易的持續(xù)發(fā)展使人們相信經(jīng)濟(jì)的持久繁榮，這種信念向外呈現(xiàn)在追求事物的永恒(the permanency of things)，如當(dāng)時(shí)城堡、教堂和私人住宅(private dwellings)的建立越來(lái)越采用石頭材料，希望其永遠(yuǎn)存在。

2.Pluto’s Status關(guān)于冥王星是不是行星的討論

冥王星的體積很小，有些小行星都比它大。冥王星在剛被發(fā)現(xiàn)時(shí)被認(rèn)為體積很大，一方面跟reflectivity有關(guān)，一方面跟它的質(zhì)量(mass)有關(guān)。有些人提出冥王星一直保持圍繞太陽(yáng)運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的軌道，這一特征可使其被歸為太陽(yáng)系的第十大行星。關(guān)于冥王星的爭(zhēng)議在于，有人認(rèn)為它已經(jīng)長(zhǎng)時(shí)間被認(rèn)為是行星就應(yīng)繼續(xù)這樣，也有人認(rèn)為判斷一個(gè)天體是不是行星，應(yīng)該看它的重量是否足夠達(dá)到受gravity的影響，從而形成一個(gè)球體。所以最終冥王星的歸宿是一個(gè)新的天文學(xué)分類(lèi)——矮行星(dwarf planet，介于行星planet和小行星asteroid之間)。

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3.本文介紹了水墨畫(huà)，在中國(guó)宋代和日本都有，共同點(diǎn)是畫(huà)的東西很多。中國(guó)主要畫(huà)山水(landscape)，寫(xiě)意，畫(huà)中的人物像螞蟻一樣小。不同點(diǎn)是舉了一個(gè)日本大師的例子，說(shuō)他的繪畫(huà)都是想象的(imaginary)，未體現(xiàn)出層次感。而中國(guó)的畫(huà)層次分明。第二點(diǎn)是中國(guó)強(qiáng)調(diào)用大自然的和諧(harmony)來(lái)體現(xiàn)社會(huì)的和諧，傾向環(huán)境固定(fixed)的特點(diǎn)。而日本傾向畫(huà)不同季節(jié)不同天氣同一景色的樣子。

4.太陽(yáng)系有秩序的特點(diǎn)導(dǎo)致天文學(xué)家認(rèn)為整個(gè)太陽(yáng)系是同一時(shí)間來(lái)自同一物質(zhì)(太陽(yáng)星云)形成的。某種外部力量(比如來(lái)自超新星爆炸的沖擊波)誘發(fā)了太陽(yáng)星云的傾塌，導(dǎo)致其內(nèi)陷收縮，最終引力產(chǎn)生的內(nèi)縮和旋轉(zhuǎn)產(chǎn)生的外擴(kuò)達(dá)到平衡，形成了盤(pán)狀的原始太陽(yáng)。在太陽(yáng)星云傾塌期間，萬(wàn)有引力的收縮導(dǎo)致內(nèi)部溫度上升，使得太陽(yáng)星云內(nèi)部的塵粒裂解為分子原子，但外部(火星以外的區(qū)域)的溫度仍然很低，很多塵粒表面覆蓋著冰體。太陽(yáng)的形成標(biāo)志著太陽(yáng)星云的引力收縮結(jié)束，因此升溫也結(jié)束了，內(nèi)部溫度的下降使得高熔點(diǎn)的元素首先冷凝，如鐵鎳等金屬和巖石類(lèi)元素凝固出現(xiàn)，形成金屬巖石塊，彼此撞擊聚合，形成原始行星體，之后成為太陽(yáng)系的內(nèi)部行星。由于內(nèi)部行星和太陽(yáng)星云碎屑的高速撞擊產(chǎn)生很大熱量，使得內(nèi)部行星溫度較高，并且由于自身引力場(chǎng)較低，所以無(wú)法吸引較輕的氣體。太陽(yáng)系內(nèi)部行星形成的同時(shí)，外部行星也在形成，由于遠(yuǎn)離太陽(yáng)溫度較低，外部行星的主要成分是冰體，這也解釋了它們?yōu)槭裁大w積龐大密度低。

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真題來(lái)源：2015-9-15CN Sumerian Contributions

P1：Before about 4500 B.C., lower Mesopotamia, the whole plain between and on either side of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, was much less densely populated than other inhabited regions of the Near and Middle East. Each year the two great rivers were swollen with the winter snows of the northern mountains, and each year at flood stage they spread a thick layer of immensely fertile silt across the flood plain where they approached the Persian Gulf. But without domestic animals and beasts, this swampy delta was not suited to the primitive hoe-centric tilling culture of early agriculture. Besides, the Tigris-Euphrates plain lacked minerals and trees. However, it was in this unpromising area, between 3500 and 3000 B. C., that agricultural settlers created wealth of city-states that constituted Sumer, of which the best known is Ur. The Sumerians appeared at the dawn of history as a fully developed society with a technology and organization that was distinct from and superior to other societies of the time. Even civilization itself seems to have stemmed from this alien and mysterious people.

公元前4500年以前。在美國(guó)，位于底格里斯河和幼發(fā)拉底河之間和兩側(cè)的美索不達(dá)米亞平原，人口密度遠(yuǎn)不及近東和中東其他有人居住的地區(qū)。每年，這兩條大河都被北部山區(qū)的冬雪所淹沒(méi)，每年洪水來(lái)臨時(shí)，它們都會(huì)在靠近波斯灣的泛濫平原上鋪開(kāi)一層厚厚的、極為肥沃的淤泥。但是如果沒(méi)有家畜，這個(gè)沼澤三角洲就不適合早期農(nóng)業(yè)以鋤頭為中心的原始耕作文化。此外，底格里斯河-幼發(fā)拉底河平原缺乏礦物和樹(shù)木。然而，在公元前3500年到3000年之間，它卻在這個(gè)毫無(wú)希望的地區(qū)。在美國(guó)，農(nóng)業(yè)移民創(chuàng)造了構(gòu)成蘇美爾的城邦財(cái)富，其中最著名的是烏爾。蘇美爾人出現(xiàn)在歷史的黎明，是一個(gè)完全發(fā)達(dá)的社會(huì)，擁有不同于當(dāng)時(shí)其他社會(huì)的技術(shù)和組織，并優(yōu)于其他社會(huì)。甚至文明本身似乎也起源于這個(gè)陌生而神秘的民族。

P2：This delta, a land of swamps rich in fish, wildlife, and date palms, was the most challenging and rewarding of the three natural units into which the river valleys were divided. Reasons for their being challenging lie in that the rivers not only sustained life, but they also destroyed it with frequent floods that ravaged entire cities. Although land nearer to the rivers was fertile and good for crops, portions of land farther from the water were dry and largely uninhabitable. Therefore, the development of drainage and irrigation systems was essential for Sumerians to harness the full productivity of this land which in turn required a large and well-disciplined workforce, as well as skilled management and supervision—the latter were supplied by a class of priests and warriors who ruled a large population of peasants and artisans.

這片三角洲是一片沼澤地帶，盛產(chǎn)魚(yú)類(lèi)、野生動(dòng)物和椰棗樹(shù)，是河谷劃分成的三個(gè)自然單元中最具挑戰(zhàn)性和最有價(jià)值的。它們具有挑戰(zhàn)性的原因在于，這些河流不僅維持了生命，而且還通過(guò)頻繁的洪水摧毀了生命，摧毀了整個(gè)城市。雖然靠近河流的土地肥沃，適于種植莊稼，但遠(yuǎn)離河流的部分土地干旱，基本上不宜居住。因此,排水和灌溉系統(tǒng)的發(fā)展是必不可少的蘇美爾人利用這片土地的全部生產(chǎn)力反過(guò)來(lái)需要大量訓(xùn)練有素的勞動(dòng)力,以及熟練的管理和supervision-the后者由一類(lèi)牧師和戰(zhàn)士統(tǒng)治一個(gè)人口眾多的農(nóng)民和工匠。

P3：The economy that sustained the people of Sumer relied on agriculture and trade. To support agriculture, Sumerians created sophisticated water transport systems that would both irrigate crops during dry periods and control flooding during the spring. This water management enabled them to build up a food surplus for trading. They exchanged barley and wheat to supplement a scarcity of stone and lumber, as well as copper and bronze, thereby contributing to the diffusion of Sumerian civilization. In Sumerian cities, stone imported by sea through the Persian Gulf from Oman and downriver from the mountains of Anatolia and the Caucasus had to compete with imported copper, and the latter proved more economical and effective for a variety of uses. Sumerians would have plowed with stone and cut with clay sickles and Went on to using metal plows with the development of metal-working skills.

蘇美爾人民賴(lài)以生存的經(jīng)濟(jì)依靠農(nóng)業(yè)和貿(mào)易。為了支持農(nóng)業(yè)，蘇美爾人建立了復(fù)雜的水運(yùn)輸系統(tǒng)，既可以在干旱時(shí)期灌溉莊稼，也可以在春季控制洪水。這種水管理使他們能夠積累糧食盈余以供貿(mào)易。他們交換大麥和小麥，以補(bǔ)充石頭和木材以及銅和青銅的缺乏，從而促進(jìn)了蘇美爾文明的傳播。在蘇美爾人的城市里，從波斯灣從阿曼進(jìn)口的石頭和從安納托利亞山脈和高加索山脈下游進(jìn)口的石頭必須與進(jìn)口的銅競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，而后者在各種用途上證明更經(jīng)濟(jì)有效。蘇美爾人會(huì)用石頭犁地，用粘土鐮刀切割，隨著金屬加工技術(shù)的發(fā)展，他們會(huì)繼續(xù)使用金屬犁。

P4：One of the greatest accomplishments of the Sumerian people was the invention of a writing system, likely growing out of commercial record keeping. Each Sumerian city rose up around the shrine of a local god. As a reflection of a city’s wealth, its temple became an elaborate structure. Both economic and religious organizations centered on the temple of the local patron deity, represented by a priestly hierarchy, in which a corporation run by priests became the greatest landowners among the Sumerians. Common Sumerians remained illiterate and without power, while kings, once elected by common people, became monarchs. Common people were obliged to pay taxes to the government in the form of a percentage of their crops, which the city could either sell or use to feed its soldiers and others it supported. In order to keep records of the sources and uses of this tribute, simple pictographs on clay tablets appeared sometime before 3000 B.C. By about 2800 B.C., the pictographs had been stylized into the system of writing known as cuneiform, a distinctive characteristic of Mesopotamian civilization. It is one of the few examples in history of a significant innovation from a bureaucratic organization.

蘇美爾人最偉大的成就之一是發(fā)明了一種文字系統(tǒng)，很可能起源于商業(yè)記錄。蘇美爾人的每座城市都圍繞著一位當(dāng)?shù)厣竦纳颀惏蔚囟?。作為一個(gè)城市財(cái)富的反映，它的寺廟成為一個(gè)精致的結(jié)構(gòu)。經(jīng)濟(jì)和宗教組織都以當(dāng)?shù)厥刈o(hù)神的廟宇為中心，以祭司的等級(jí)制度為代表，在這種等級(jí)制度下，由牧師經(jīng)營(yíng)的公司成為蘇美爾人中最偉大的地主。普通蘇美爾人仍然是文盲，沒(méi)有權(quán)力，而國(guó)王，一旦由普通人民選舉，成為君主。普通民眾有義務(wù)以一定比例的農(nóng)作物向政府納稅，市政府可以出售這些農(nóng)作物，也可以用它們來(lái)養(yǎng)活士兵和其他政府支持的人。為了記錄這種貢品的來(lái)源和用途，公元前3000年以前，大約公元前2800年，泥板上出現(xiàn)了簡(jiǎn)單的象形文字當(dāng)時(shí)，象形文字已被程式化，納入了被稱(chēng)為楔形文字的書(shū)寫(xiě)體系，這是美索不達(dá)米亞文明的一個(gè)顯著特征。這是歷史上為數(shù)不多的官僚機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行重大創(chuàng)新的例子之一。

P5：Whether the Sumerians were the first to develop writing is uncertain, but theirs is the oldest known system of writing. The clay tablets on which they wrote were very durable when baked. Archaeologists have dug up many thousands of them—some dated earlier than 3000 B.C. The cuneiform texts recorded messages and historical events as well as commercial transactions. They evolved into producing written sagas such as the Epic of Gilgamesht the world's oldest surviving literary work.

蘇美爾人是否第一個(gè)發(fā)展了書(shū)寫(xiě)還不確定，但他們的書(shū)寫(xiě)系統(tǒng)是已知的最古老的書(shū)寫(xiě)系統(tǒng)。他們所寫(xiě)的泥板在烘烤時(shí)非常耐用。考古學(xué)家已經(jīng)挖掘出了成千上萬(wàn)的楔形文字，其中一些可以追溯到公元前3000年以前。楔形文字記錄了信息、歷史事件以及商業(yè)交易。他們逐漸發(fā)展出了一些書(shū)面?zhèn)髡f(shuō)，如世界上現(xiàn)存最古老的文學(xué)作品《吉爾伽美什史詩(shī)》。

題目：

1. The word “unpromising" in the passage is closest in meaning to

文中“沒(méi)有希望”這個(gè)詞的意思最接近

A. unfavorable

B. underdeveloped

C. distant

D. expansive

2. The phrase “a wealth of” in the passage is closest in meaning to

在這篇文章中，短語(yǔ)“a wealth of”的意思最接近于

A. a strong competition among

B. a valuable source of

C. a deep respect for

D. an abundance of

3. According to paragraph 1, which of the following was NOT true of lower Mesopotamia before 4500 B.C.?

根據(jù)第1段，以下哪項(xiàng)對(duì)公元前4500年以前的有關(guān)下美索不達(dá)米亞不正確?

A. It was flooded every year by rivers.

B. Its soil was unsuitable for early hoe culture agriculture.

C. It was comparatively dense in population

D. It had few trees.

真題來(lái)源：2014-11-23CN Urban Development in the United States During the Nineteenth Century

P1：Urbanized societies, in which a high proportion of the population lives in P cities, developed only in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The process of urbanization has moved rapidly in the entire world since 1800, and the peak is not yet in sight. In the United States, early New England towns, formally disposed along wide elm-lined central roadways or commons, exhibit a conscious planning. In discussing the growth of cities in the United States in the nineteenth century, one cannot really use the term "urban planning", as it suggests modern concerns for spatial and service organization which, in most instances, did not exist before the planning revolution called the City Beautiful Movement that began in the 1890s. While there certainly were urban areas that were "planned” in the comprehensive contemporary sense of the word before that date, most notably Washington, D.C., these were the exception. Most “planned" in the nineteenth century was limited to areas much smaller than a city and was closely associated with developers trying to make a profit from a piece of land.

城市化社會(huì)是十九世紀(jì)和二十世紀(jì)才發(fā)展起來(lái)的，其中很大一部分人口生活在城市里。自1800年以來(lái)，整個(gè)世界的城市化進(jìn)程迅速發(fā)展，但還沒(méi)有達(dá)到頂峰。在美國(guó)，早期的新英格蘭城鎮(zhèn)，沿著寬闊的榆樹(shù)林蔭道或公地正式布置，展現(xiàn)出有意識(shí)的規(guī)劃。在討論在美國(guó)城市的發(fā)展在19世紀(jì),一個(gè)不能使用術(shù)語(yǔ)“城市規(guī)劃”,因?yàn)樗砻鳜F(xiàn)代問(wèn)題空間和服務(wù)組織,在大多數(shù)情況下,不存在計(jì)劃革命前稱(chēng)為城市美麗的運(yùn)動(dòng),開(kāi)始于1890年代。當(dāng)然，在那個(gè)日期之前，也有一些城市地區(qū)是“計(jì)劃好的”，尤其是華盛頓特區(qū)這些都是例外。在19世紀(jì)，大多數(shù)“規(guī)劃”都局限于比城市小得多的地區(qū)，而且與試圖從一塊土地上獲利的開(kāi)發(fā)商關(guān)系密切。

P2：Three forces particularly affected the configuration of urban and suburban areas in the nineteenth century: economics, transportation technology, and demographics. Added to these was the characteristic American preference for independent living, including separate neighborhoods for themselves by building mansions on large plots of land at the edges of the cities or in the countryside. Economic development stemmed from the Industrial Revolution of the 19th centuries transformed urban life and gave people higher expectations for improving their standard of living. The increased number of jobs, along with technological innovations in transportation and housing construction, encouraged migration to cities. People no longer had to live within walking distance their jobs. Commuting into the city to work became easier and cheaper with constant transportation system improvements and increased ridership.

十九世紀(jì)有三種力量特別影響城市和郊區(qū)的結(jié)構(gòu):經(jīng)濟(jì)、交通技術(shù)和人口統(tǒng)計(jì)。除此之外，還有美國(guó)人特有的獨(dú)立生活的偏好，包括在城市邊緣或鄉(xiāng)村的大片土地上建造住宅，為自己建造獨(dú)立的社區(qū)。19世紀(jì)工業(yè)革命帶來(lái)的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展改變了城市生活，使人們對(duì)提高生活水平有了更高的期望。就業(yè)崗位的增加，以及交通和住房建設(shè)方面的技術(shù)創(chuàng)新，鼓勵(lì)了向城市遷移。人們不再需要住在工作地點(diǎn)步行距離以?xún)?nèi)。隨著交通系統(tǒng)的不斷改進(jìn)和客流量的增加，進(jìn)城上班變得更容易、更便宜。

P3：Demographic patterns also accounted for the urbanization. Urban populations grew steadily due to rural immigrants gravitated to the cheap housing and to the promise of work in or near the center of cities or around factories and emigration from around the globe. As the 19th century drew to a close, the rapid development of cities served as both a uniting and dividing factor in American social, economic, and political life. Cities attracted a rich cross-section of the world's population, creating a various, metropolitan atmosphere. At the same time, cities forced people from entirely different backgrounds to live and work together in close proximity for the first time, which contributed to diverse urban problems.

人口結(jié)構(gòu)模式也是城市化的原因之一。由于農(nóng)村移民被吸引到廉價(jià)住房，以及在城市中心或附近、工廠附近工作的前景，以及來(lái)自全球各地的移民，城市人口穩(wěn)步增長(zhǎng)。隨著19世紀(jì)的結(jié)束，城市的快速發(fā)展成為美國(guó)社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治生活中一個(gè)團(tuán)結(jié)和分裂的因素。城市吸引了世界各地眾多的人口，創(chuàng)造了一個(gè)多樣化的大都市氛圍。與此同時(shí)，城市迫使背景完全不同的人們第一次近距離的生活和工作在一起，這導(dǎo)致了城市問(wèn)題的多樣性。

P4：Many nineteenth-century urban problems continue to plague cities today, especially those associated with sanitation and mega-fires resulted from lack of planning and regulation. The growth of cities outpaced the ability of local governments to extend clean water, garbage collection, and sewage systems into poorer areas, so conditions in cities deteriorated. Sanitary sewers at that time failed to stop the spread of typhoid, increased its infection rates downstream of sewer outlets, and the miasmatic gasses they were designed to mitigate turned out to not exist. It was not until the 1860s that any serious, concerted effort was made to develop proper systems for water delivery and sewage removal, which caused water contamination and the spread of disease by rodents and insects. During the 19th century, the United States was afflicted with many urban conflagrations and wildfires as tactical firefighting and prevention practices were underdeveloped. Construction with combustible materials coupled with close placement of buildings and the use of open flames in heating, cooking, and lighting meant that the potential for raging fires was ever present.

19世紀(jì)的許多城市問(wèn)題仍然困擾著今天的城市，特別是那些由于缺乏規(guī)劃和管理而導(dǎo)致的衛(wèi)生和特大火災(zāi)。城市的發(fā)展速度超過(guò)了地方政府向貧困地區(qū)推廣凈水、垃圾收集和污水處理系統(tǒng)的能力，因此城市的條件惡化。當(dāng)時(shí)的衛(wèi)生下水道沒(méi)能阻止傷寒的傳播，反而增加了傷寒在下水道出口下游的感染率，原本用來(lái)緩解傷寒的瘴氣最終被證明是不存在的。直到19世紀(jì)60年代，才有任何認(rèn)真的、協(xié)調(diào)一致的努力來(lái)發(fā)展適當(dāng)?shù)墓┧臀鬯幚硐到y(tǒng)，這造成了水污染和嚙齒動(dòng)物和昆蟲(chóng)傳播疾病。在19世紀(jì)，由于戰(zhàn)術(shù)消防和預(yù)防措施不發(fā)達(dá)，美國(guó)飽受城市大火和野火之苦。用可燃材料建造，再加上建筑物的密閉布置，以及在取暖、做飯和照明中使用明火，意味著隨時(shí)可能發(fā)生熊熊大火。

P5：Cities in the late 19th century were large, compacted, and impersonal places devoted to making money. Typically, development was both unplanned and unrestricted, with landowners making all choices of lot size, services, and street arrangement based only on their individual needs in the marketplace. Not surprisingly, corruption was rampant in city government and city services, in the construction industry, and among landlords and employers. High rents, low wages, and poor services produced misery in the midst of abrupt economic growth.

19世紀(jì)晚期的城市是大型的、緊湊的、沒(méi)有人情味的、專(zhuān)門(mén)用來(lái)賺錢(qián)的地方。一般來(lái)說(shuō)，發(fā)展都是計(jì)劃外和不受限制的，土地所有人只根據(jù)他們?cè)谑袌?chǎng)上的個(gè)人需要，作出地段大小、服務(wù)和街道安排的所有選擇。不足為奇的是，腐敗在市政府和城市服務(wù)、建筑行業(yè)、房東和雇主中猖獗。高租金、低工資和糟糕的服務(wù)在經(jīng)濟(jì)突然增長(zhǎng)的過(guò)程中造成了痛苦。

題目：

1. Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information.

下面哪個(gè)句子最能表達(dá)文章中突出顯示的句子的基本信息?錯(cuò)誤的選擇以重要的方式改變了意義，或者遺漏了重要的信息。

A. Understanding the growth of cities in nineteenth-century America requires recognizing how the City Beautiful Movement of the 1890s changed "urban planning.

B. For the most part, there was no "urban planning,” as that term is understood today, before the beginning of the City Beautiful Movement in the 1890s.

C. Concerns for spatial and service organization had little impact on the growth of cities before the 1890s when the City Beautiful Movement began.

D. The growth of cities in nineteenth-century America resulted in the creation of the City Beautiful Movement in the 1890s and the rise of the term “urban planning.”

2. According to paragraph 1, Washington, D.C. was

根據(jù)第1段，華盛頓特區(qū)是

A. A a typical nineteenth-century American city

B. B a city that was planned in separate sections by land developers

C. C the very first city in America to be described as “planned”

D. D one of the few cases of true urban planning in America before the 1890s

3. Select the TWO answer choices that, according to the paragraph 1, best describe most urban plans in the nineteenth century. To receive credit, you must select TWO answers.

根據(jù)第1段，選擇最能描述19世紀(jì)大多數(shù)城市規(guī)劃的兩個(gè)選項(xiàng)。要獲得得分，你必須選擇兩個(gè)答案。

A. They were created to profit land developers.

B. They typically affected only part of a city rather than the whole city.

C. Their success sometimes directly led to other necessary improvements in cities.

D. They were carefully reviewed by city governments.

4. In paragraph 2, the author mentions the characteristic American preference for independent living to

在第二段中，作者提到了美國(guó)人獨(dú)立生活的特點(diǎn)

A. identify one of the factors that affected the configuration of urban and suburban areas in America in the nineteenth century

B. explain which of the three forces mentioned—economics, transportation technology, and demographics—was the most important in shaping American cities and suburbs

C. explain how decisions were made in American nineteenth-century cities and suburbs about locations for businesses and factories

D. provide evidence showing that industrial growth was able to generate higher incomes for much of the population in nineteenth-century cities and suburbs in America

5. According to paragraph 2, what is one reason that transportation costs in American cities decreased during the nineteenth century?

根據(jù)第2段，美國(guó)城市的交通成本在19世紀(jì)下降的一個(gè)原因是什么?

A. The number of people using transportation increased.

B. The cost of energy such as electricity decreased.

C. Commuters and shoppers began living closer to their destinations.

D. Transportation suppliers had to compete for riders.

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