2019年1月12＆13日托福考試閱讀預(yù)測機(jī)經(jīng)（版本合集?。?/h1>

• 時間：2019-01-10

• 來源：留學(xué)監(jiān)理網(wǎng)

• 分享：

本周末兩天將迎來新年的第二場和第三場托?？荚?/a>，相信大家都已經(jīng)做好了充分的準(zhǔn)備。小編為大家整理了兩場考試的預(yù)測機(jī)經(jīng)，臨考前，來緩解一下緊張的心情吧。以下是本場考試閱讀預(yù)測機(jī)經(jīng)。

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一、主要說歐洲17世界的政治格局的改變。

1、17世紀(jì)隨著宗教力量的削弱，貴族權(quán)力的擴(kuò)大，商人階級的興起，歐洲國家的內(nèi)部organization也發(fā)生了一些改變。政府的機(jī)構(gòu)開始進(jìn)一步完善。

2、歐洲國家開始把政府重心放在促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)上。政府開始設(shè)定機(jī)構(gòu)由政府官員來推廣文化的傳播、設(shè)立醫(yī)療設(shè)施、在軍隊(duì)實(shí)行有等級的軍官制度、投資促進(jìn)農(nóng)業(yè)技術(shù)的革新。通過這些方式，歐洲一些國家有了更多收入，擴(kuò)充了國庫。比如，法國，雖然它的國王還是強(qiáng)調(diào)broad power,喜歡通過戰(zhàn)爭來擴(kuò)大自己的影響力，但是Spain 和 Holland 也開始效仿它的一些做法，積極發(fā)展貿(mào)易。(此處考了一個句子簡化題，并列復(fù)合句，前句后句互相解釋，注意重點(diǎn)信息和主干)。

3、雖然國家機(jī)構(gòu)有所發(fā)展，但是并沒有像中國那樣強(qiáng)有力的政府機(jī)構(gòu)。歐洲國家開始意識到國家意識。但是國家意識的崛起意味著國家間boundary以及其他文化區(qū)別的確定。比如法國開始purify自己的語言，強(qiáng)調(diào)國家間文化的不同。于此同時中東和亞洲民族正在embrace different cultures。

4、政治機(jī)構(gòu)的存在感比較弱，平民只有在征稅或者其他一些少量時候才會看到政府官員，這樣不利于政府的管理。所以政府機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)一步改善。在軍隊(duì)中開始有一系列改變，設(shè)置了軍隊(duì)的治療中心，確定了各種刑罰。同時開始用監(jiān)獄的罪犯來擴(kuò)充軍隊(duì)。比如holland開始出現(xiàn)最早的監(jiān)獄，這一點(diǎn)也是向法國學(xué)習(xí)。

5、但是直到17世紀(jì)晚期，都不要把政府機(jī)構(gòu)看的太重要。17世紀(jì)最重要的不是政府的功能，而是政治結(jié)構(gòu)的改變。其中最有創(chuàng)新性的是英國1688年通過了議會改革，這個改革賦予了議會更大的權(quán)力，議會可以制定和執(zhí)行法律，這個給議會后期作用的發(fā)揮和權(quán)力的擴(kuò)大奠定了很好的基礎(chǔ)。

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二

1、科學(xué)家根據(jù)動物的溫度把它們劃分為poikilotherm和homoiotherm.其中poikilotherm是身體會不受周圍環(huán)境影響，自身溫度獨(dú)立于周圍環(huán)境的動物;homoiotherm是身體溫度和周圍環(huán)境溫度保持一致，沒有獨(dú)立調(diào)節(jié)自身溫度的動物。動物調(diào)節(jié)溫度的能力取決于周圍環(huán)境的傳導(dǎo)性，比如在水里，水的heat capacity就比較高導(dǎo)熱性很好，所以水里的動物如果想要和周圍的溫度不一樣就很難，一般水里的動物溫度和周圍環(huán)境不會超過2度；但是空氣的heat capacity 和導(dǎo)熱性就很差，所以陸地的動物就可以和外部溫度有一個比較大的差別。

2、但是科學(xué)家隨后發(fā)現(xiàn)這種分類有很大缺陷。比如被劃分為poikilotherm的動物其實(shí)自己沒有調(diào)節(jié)自身溫度的能力，雖然和周圍溫度相差很大，但是自身溫度全年相差不大;但是被劃分為homoiotherm的動物，雖然和周圍溫度相差不大，但是自身溫度全年變化比較大。所以科學(xué)家用了不同的方式來劃分動物：endotherm 和ectotherm. Endotherm指的是熱力來源于自身內(nèi)部的動物;ectotherm指的是沒有自身熱力來源系統(tǒng)，主要依靠外部環(huán)境來獲取熱量的動物。

3、雖然有了這樣的劃分，但是動物并不是完全只會用一種方式獲取熱量。比如北美的一種鳥：roadrunner,它就是一種Endotherm動物，自身溫差白天和夜里相差比較大，但是它每天早晨會去曬太陽，從外部獲取熱量，使自身溫度升高。

4、舉例有一種蛇，雖然是ectotherm，但是在它孵化卵的時候，會用自己身體緊緊裹著卵，然后在夜里溫度比較低的時候，利用肌肉活動提高新陳代謝，提高體溫。這篇文章比較對比，而且文章結(jié)構(gòu)和題目設(shè)置比較簡單，屬于四篇中最簡單的一篇文章。

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1月12日

真題來源：2015-2-1CN The Chaco Phenomenon

?P1: Between about 900 to 1150 AD, a mysterious Stone Age culture arose, flourished, and then vanished in the semi-desert region of the Southwestern United States. Named the Chaco culture after the canyon in which the principal ruins are found, nearly everything about this ancient society is shrouded in mystery. A truly remarkable transformation in settlement patterns occurred in the San Juan basin in northwestern New Mexico, with small household farmsteads giving way to aggregated communities centered on communal masonry buildings that are now called "great houses.” These multi-level buildings of up to 800 rooms are scattered over thousands of square miles of the Four Corners area of the Southwest. The entire episode of great house construction in Chaco, the Bonito phase (A.D. 900-”40). was signifying an pronounced period of immense cooperative effort. Pueblo Chetro Ketl's outer wall alone is calculated to be composed of 30 million stones which were brought to the canyon from distances between 80 and 150 kilometers away. Many of the stones had to be shaped before being positioned and built into a huge project. But by 1140 AD, the massive construction ceased abruptly, followed by a rapid decline in use of the great houses find apparent abandonment of the canyon in the thirteenth century.

大約在公元900年到1150年之間，一種神秘的石器時代文化在美國西南部的半沙漠地區(qū)興起、繁榮，然后消失。以發(fā)現(xiàn)主要遺跡的峽谷命名的查科文化，幾乎這個古老社會的一切都籠罩在神秘之中。在新墨西哥州西北部的圣胡安盆地，定居模式發(fā)生了真正顯著的轉(zhuǎn)變，小型家庭農(nóng)場讓位給了以社區(qū)磚石建筑為中心的聚集社區(qū)，這些建筑現(xiàn)在被稱為“大房子”。這些多達(dá)800間客房的多層建筑散布在西南四角地區(qū)數(shù)千平方英里的土地上。查科偉大的房屋建設(shè)的整個階段，博尼托階段(公元900年- 40年)。這標(biāo)志著一個顯著的巨大合作努力的時期。據(jù)估計(jì)，僅普韋布洛-切特羅-凱特的外墻就由3000萬塊石頭組成，這些石頭是從80公里到150公里以外的地方運(yùn)來的。許多石頭在被放置和建造成一個巨大的工程之前必須被塑造。但是到了公元1140年，大規(guī)模的建筑突然停止，隨之而來的是對大房子使用的迅速減少。

?P2: For more than a century archaeologists have struggled to understand the circumstances surrounding the rise and collapse of Chacoan society一dubbed the Chaco Phenomenon. Specifically, research has focused on determing why such an apparently inhospitable place as Chaco, which today is extremely arid and has very short growing seasons, should have been favored for the concentration of labor that must have been required for such massive construction projects over brief periods of time. Until the 1970s, scholars and the public alike had a long-shared notion that Chaco had been a forested oasis that attracted farmers who Initially nourished but eventually fell victim to their own success and exuberance, as they employed unsustainable land-use practices build their Impressive communities. Yet there is no substantial evidence, archaeological, otherwise, to support such contention.

一個多世紀(jì)以來,考古學(xué)家在努力理解圍繞查科社會的崛起和崩潰的情況一被稱為查科的現(xiàn)象。具體地說，研究集中在確定為什么像查科這樣明顯不適宜居住的地方，在今天是極其干旱和生長季節(jié)非常短的地方，應(yīng)該被青睞于集中勞動力，而這些勞動力必須在短時間內(nèi)完成如此大規(guī)模的建設(shè)項(xiàng)目。直到20世紀(jì)70年代，學(xué)者和公眾一直有一個共識，認(rèn)為查科是一片森林覆蓋的綠洲，吸引了農(nóng)民，他們最初是靠種地為生，但最終卻淪為自身成功和繁榮的犧牲品，因?yàn)樗麄儾捎昧瞬豢沙掷m(xù)的土地使用方式，建立了令人印象深刻的社區(qū)。然而，除此之外，并沒有考古學(xué)上的確鑿證據(jù)來支持這種觀點(diǎn)。

?P3: However, recent geological field studies in Chaco have produced some table-turning evidence that may require a significant reassessment of the assumption that the canyon was not a favorable agricultural setting. It appears that during the extraordinary construction boom in the first half of the eleventh century, a devastating flood occurred, resulting in extreme difficulty irrigating the area. A large natural lake, near the biggest concentration of great houses, may have existed at the western end of Chaco and might have suspended which would then have flowed into the canyon. The presence of an abundance of water and, equally important, a source of sediment that replenished agricultural fields, presumably made the canyon an extremely attractive place for newly arriving people from the northern San Juan River basin. In fact, during the 1980s, this reconstruction was largely dismissed in response to evidence that there were only scattered trees along cliffs and escarpments above the canyon rather than woodlands in the first place, and that canyon soil was highly sensitive to increase in aridity and temperature and thus unsuitable for farming, regardless of the amount of trees. As long-standing scientific consensus was undergoing this transformation, the position of the canyon within a regional network of dispersed agricultural communities called up more academic attention.

然而，最近在查科的地質(zhì)實(shí)地研究已經(jīng)產(chǎn)生了一些翻臺的證據(jù)，可能需要對峽谷不是一個有利的農(nóng)業(yè)環(huán)境這一假設(shè)進(jìn)行重大的重新評估。似乎在11世紀(jì)上半葉的建設(shè)熱潮中，發(fā)生了一場毀滅性的洪水，給該地區(qū)的灌溉帶來了極大的困難。一個巨大的天然湖泊，靠近最大的住宅集中地，可能存在于查科的西端，并可能懸在那里，然后流入峽谷。大量的水，同樣重要的是，豐富的沉積物來源補(bǔ)充了農(nóng)業(yè)用地，這可能使峽谷對來自北部圣胡安河盆地的新移民極具吸引力。事實(shí)上,在1980年代,這個重建主要是駁回了針對證據(jù)表明只有零星樹木沿著峭壁和高峽谷之上而不是林地首先,峽谷的土壤是高度敏感干燥和溫度的增加,因此不適合耕種,無論樹木的數(shù)量。由于長期以來的科學(xué)共識正在經(jīng)歷這種轉(zhuǎn)變，大峽谷在分散的農(nóng)業(yè)社區(qū)區(qū)域網(wǎng)絡(luò)中的位置引起了更多的學(xué)術(shù)關(guān)注。

P4: The adoption of a regional perspective in explaining the Chaco Phenomenon was based m part on the discovery of formal trails. A combination of remote sensing techniques and ground verification defined a prehistoric road system which extended outward from Chaco Canyon into the surrounding San Juan Basin, later referred to as Chaco -outliers." These trails are densest around the concentration of great houses in the center, and the canyon itself is roughly at the center of the basin. Consequently, Chaco Canyon was intimately related to other settlements in a single cultural web flung across 30,000 square miles and which reached into Colorado and Utah, all tied together by a network of ancient roads. The current consensus view is that religion provided the fundamental explanation for this centrifugal pattern.

采用區(qū)域視角來解釋查科現(xiàn)象是基于m部分正式蹤跡的發(fā)現(xiàn)。結(jié)合遙感技術(shù)和地面驗(yàn)證，確定了史前道路系統(tǒng)，從查科峽谷延伸到周圍的圣胡安盆地，后來被稱為查科離群值。這些痕跡最密集的地方集中在中心的大房子周圍，峽谷本身大致在盆地的中心。因此，查科峽谷與其他聚落緊密相連，形成了一個橫跨3萬平方英里的文化網(wǎng)絡(luò)，并延伸至科羅拉多州和猶他州，所有這些聚落都被古老的道路網(wǎng)絡(luò)連接在一起。目前的共識是，宗教為這種離心模式提供了基本解釋。

P5: After close study of great kivas (multipurpose rooms used for religious, political, and social functions), archeologists , tend to depict Chaco as a location of high devotional expression and the pilgrimage center of a sacred landscape. The kiva structure itself, of whatever size, occupies a special and sacred place in Pueblo architecture. Excavation of some of these vaults suggests that they were once associated with ceremonies. Archaeological record presented some ritual artifacts, including caches of turquoise beads and pendants, unusual ceramic vessels and wooden objects, several rooms with multiple human burials, and especially the large number of kivas found in great houses. Most of these indicators occur only at Pueblo Bonito, but archaeologists generally assume that all the great houses had a similar ritual function. Some scholars have even argued that the great houses were temples instead of residences.

在仔細(xì)研究了大的基瓦(用于宗教、政治和社會功能的多功能房間)之后，考古學(xué)家傾向于把查科描繪成一個高度虔誠的表達(dá)和神圣景觀的朝圣中心。kiva建筑本身，無論大小，在普韋布洛建筑中占據(jù)著特殊而神圣的位置。對其中一些拱頂?shù)耐诰虮砻?，它們曾?jīng)與儀式有關(guān)?？脊庞涗浾故玖艘恍﹥x式的文物，包括青綠的珠子和吊墜的窖藏，不尋常的陶瓷器皿和木器，幾個有多人埋葬的房間，尤其是在大房子里發(fā)現(xiàn)的大量的基瓦人。這些跡象大多只出現(xiàn)在普韋布洛博尼托，但考古學(xué)家一般認(rèn)為所有的大房子都有類似的儀式功能。一些學(xué)者甚至認(rèn)為這些大房子是寺廟而不是住宅。

題目：

1. The word "signifying” in the passage is closest in meaning to文中“預(yù)示”一詞的意思最接近于

A. creating

B. indicating

C. initiating

D. requiring

2. The word “ceased” in the passage is closest in meaning to文中“停止”一詞的意思最接近于

A. stow down

B. accelerated

C. stopped

D. changed in style

3. According to paragraph 1, all of the following provide evidence that the Bonito phase was a time of immense cooperative effort EXCEPT根據(jù)第1段，下列各點(diǎn)都提供了證據(jù)，證明博尼托階段是一個合作努力巨大的時期，除了

A. the large amounts of material needed

B. the size of the Pueblo Bonito complex

C. the unusual materials used in construction

D. the distance the materials needed to be transported

4. Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential Information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information.下面哪個句子最能表達(dá)文章中突出顯示的句子的基本信息?錯誤的選擇以重要的方式改變了意義，或者遺漏了重要的信息。

A. Researchers have tried to establish why an area as dry Chaco was the site of such large construction efforts.

B. Researchers have tried to establish whether the concentration of massive construction projects in a brief period of time made Chaco the dry area that it is today.

C. Researchers have established that Chaco's brief growing season required a concentration of labor to produce large quantities of rood in a short period of time

D. Researchers have established that the hot, dry climate of Chaco forced workers to complete construction on large buildings in short periods of time.

5. According to paragraph 2, before 1970, scholars believed that Chacoan society collapsed because根據(jù)第2段，1970年以前，學(xué)者們認(rèn)為查科社會的崩潰是因?yàn)?/strong>

A. Chaco never had the forests that were needed for the development of a stable agricultural economy

B. farmers used up the natural resources in Chaco that had originally allowed the society to succeed.

C. Chaco suffered a long-term drought that prevented farmers from growing enough food

D. laborers left Chaco to find other work after they finished building the great houses there.

6. It can be Inferred from paragraph 2 that the pre-1970s theory about the Chaco Phenomenon

從第2段可以推斷出20世紀(jì)70年代以前關(guān)于查科現(xiàn)象的理論

A. was based on the widespread farm and tool remains found by archaeologists on the site.

B. was largely reinforced by findings in the 1980s

C. was not supported by substantial evidence.

D. was so strong that it went unchallenged for many decades.

1月13日

真題來源：2015-8-22CN The Upper Paleolithic Revolution

P1: The Old Stone Age is the earliest period of human development and the longest phase of mankind’s history. It was not till around 30 thousand years ago (or 30 “kya") that the archaeological record reveals the emergence of technical and social advances, which comprised new technologies, hunting techniques, human burials, and an artistic tradition of astonishing competency. This dramatic change was known as the Upper Paleolithic Revolution. It had been traditionally argued that the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was an archaeological phenomenon exclusive to Eurasia. The absence of equivalent evidence in other regions suggested that a fundamental change had occurred in human intellectual development around 40 kya in Europe. However, the recent discovery in the Blombos Cave in South Africa of a block of decorated ochre and then sets of shell beads, dated to around 77 kya, opened up the debate. This supports other evidence of more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa from the same period. Now the Upper Paleolithic Revolution is regarded as the most noticeable evidence for the evolution of modern human behavior.

舊石器時代是人類發(fā)展的最早階段，也是人類歷史上最長的階段。直到大約3萬年前(或30“緬元”)，考古記錄才揭示了技術(shù)和社會進(jìn)步的出現(xiàn)，這些進(jìn)步包括新技術(shù)、狩獵技術(shù)、人類埋葬以及令人驚嘆的能力的藝術(shù)傳統(tǒng)。這種戲劇性的變化被稱為舊石器時代晚期革命。傳統(tǒng)上認(rèn)為舊石器時代晚期的革命是歐亞大陸?yīng)氂械目脊艑W(xué)現(xiàn)象。在其他區(qū)域沒有同樣的證據(jù)表明，歐洲大約在40緬元左右的人類智力發(fā)展發(fā)生了根本變化。然而，最近在南非的布隆博斯洞穴中發(fā)現(xiàn)了一塊裝飾過的赭石，還有幾組貝殼珠子，年代約為77緬元，這引發(fā)了爭議。這也支持了同一時期在非洲發(fā)現(xiàn)的其他多用途石器和骨工具的證據(jù)。現(xiàn)在，舊石器時代晚期的革命被認(rèn)為是現(xiàn)代人類行為進(jìn)化最顯著的證據(jù)。

?P2: Two further questions follow. First, what was happening to the human cognitive process during the 40,000 years or so from innovative usage of stone in the Blombos Cave to the flourishing of human creativity in Europe? Second, during the Pleistocene a series of momentous climatic events occurred—was climate change then a component? The question of whether the sudden transition seen in Europe was built on earlier developments in Africa has been addressed at length by anthropologists Sally McBrearty and Alison Brooks. They argue that the whole issue of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution stems from a profound Eurocentric bias and a failure to appreciate the depth and breadth of the African archaeological record.

接下來還有兩個問題。首先，在大約4萬年的時間里，從布隆伯斯洞穴中石頭的創(chuàng)新使用到歐洲人類創(chuàng)造力的繁榮，人類的認(rèn)知過程發(fā)生了什么變化?其次，在更新世期間發(fā)生了一系列重大的氣候事件——?dú)夂蜃兓瞧渲械囊粋€組成部分嗎?人類學(xué)家薩利·麥克布里亞蒂(Sally McBrearty)和艾莉森·布魯克斯(Alison Brooks)對歐洲出現(xiàn)的這種突然轉(zhuǎn)變是否建立在非洲早期發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)上進(jìn)行了詳細(xì)的探討。他們認(rèn)為，整個舊石器時代晚期革命的問題源于一種深刻的以歐洲為中心的偏見，以及未能認(rèn)識到非洲考古記錄的深度和廣度。

In fact, many South African archaeological sites show that the revolution occurred in Africa during the Middle Paleolithic—tens of thousands of years before they appeared in Europe. This is supported by evidence of using new stone tools like the blade and microlithic technology. Replication has shown that blades from the time required a high level of skill to make due to their shape, indicating a higher level of hominid complexity. At the same time, exploitation of aquatic resources began to prosper.

事實(shí)上，許多南非考古遺址表明，這場革命發(fā)生在非洲的古橄欖中期，比歐洲早了數(shù)萬年。這是由使用新的石器工具，如刀片和微巖屑技術(shù)的證據(jù)支持的。復(fù)制表明，從那時起，由于刀刃的形狀，刀刃的制作就需要很高的技術(shù)水平，這表明原始人類的復(fù)雜性更高。與此同時，水產(chǎn)資源的開發(fā)也開始繁榮起來。

?P3: Contrasted with this view of a spontaneous leap in cognition among ancient 一 humans, some authors like Alison S. Brooks, primarily working in African archaeology, point to the gradual accumulation of modern behaviors, starting well before the 50,000 year benchmark of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution models. The extraordinary range of rock art in Australia adds great weight to the idea that artistic creativity was part and parcel of the intellectual capacity of modem humans that migrated out of Africa around 70 kya For the time being, the emergence of Modern humans in sub-Saharan Africa, socio-economic dynamism that caused their expansion through the Nile Valley into the Near East, and then a migration along the southern route of Asia as far as Australia is the most plausible scenario, though it still leaves much to be desired from future archaeological research.

與這種觀點(diǎn)的自發(fā)飛躍認(rèn)知在古代一人類,一些作者喜歡艾莉森·s·布魯克斯,主要在非洲考古工作,指出現(xiàn)代行為的逐漸積累,開始在50000年的舊石器時代晚期革命的基準(zhǔn)模型。澳大利亞巖石藝術(shù)的非凡的范圍增加了很大的重量,藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作是現(xiàn)代人類的智力的一部分遷移出非洲大約有70 kya目前,現(xiàn)代人類的出現(xiàn)在撒哈拉以南非洲地區(qū),社會經(jīng)濟(jì)活力,導(dǎo)致他們的擴(kuò)張通過尼羅河流域近東,然后遷移亞洲南部路線到澳大利亞是最合理的情況下,盡管它在未來的考古研究中仍有許多不足之處。

?P4: The question of the sudden emergence of creative activity that appears to constitute the Upper Paleolithic Revolution falls to the ground. The obvious explanation is that the gap between African developments and the subsequent better-known European events is a matter of the limitations of the archaeological record. This does not altogether cover the question of why there was the sudden flowering of creativity at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in Europe.

創(chuàng)造性活動的突然出現(xiàn)似乎構(gòu)成了舊石器時代晚期的革命，這一問題也就迎刃而解了。顯而易見的解釋是，非洲的發(fā)展與后來更廣為人知的歐洲事件之間的差距是由于考古記錄的局限性。這并不能完全解釋為什么在舊石器時代晚期的歐洲會突然出現(xiàn)創(chuàng)造力的繁榮。

It may be that earlier creative efforts have either been lost in or have yet to emerge from the mists of time. Recent finds of decorative pierced shells dating from 43 kya or even earlier in caves in parts of western Asia near Europe may be examples of a process extending the evidence back in time. The changes in human behavior have also been attributed to the changes in climate during the period, which encompasses a number of global temperature drops. This meant a worsening of the already bitter climate which hence forced the ancestors of today's Europeans to move into a largely unpopulated region, their sudden presence in the archaeological record appearing revolutionary.

可能是早期的創(chuàng)造性努力要么已經(jīng)消失，要么還沒有從時間的迷霧中浮現(xiàn)出來。最近在靠近歐洲的西亞部分地區(qū)的洞穴中發(fā)現(xiàn)了可追溯到43緬元時期甚至更早的裝飾穿甲的貝殼，這可能是將證據(jù)追溯回過去的一個過程的例子。人類行為的變化也歸因于這一時期的氣候變化，包括全球氣溫的多次下降。這意味著本已惡劣的氣候進(jìn)一步惡化，從而迫使今天歐洲人的祖先搬到一個人口稀少的地區(qū)，他們突然出現(xiàn)在考古記錄中，似乎是革命性的。

題目：

1. Why does the author mention a block of decorated ochre and sets of shell beads?

作者為什么要提到一塊裝飾過的赭石和一串串貝殼珠子呢?

A. To help make the point that archaeologists regard artistic creations as the highest kind of human achievement

B. To illustrate how the discovery of certain objects makes the discovery of certain other objects more likely

C. To give some of the evidence that has changed archaeologists' thinking about human intellectual development

D. To help explain why archaeologists have been slow to recognize the importance of certain evidence available to them

2. How far back in time do the origins of the more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa go? 在非洲發(fā)現(xiàn)的用途更廣的石器和骨工具的起源可以追溯到多久以前

A. To around 40 kya

B. To around 77 kya

C. To the time of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution

D. To a time before modern "human” behavior had begun to evolve

3. The word "equivalent" in the passage is closest in meaning to

這篇文章中的“等同”一詞的意思最接近于

A. comprehensible

B. concrete

C. comparable

D. widely debated

4. According to paragraph 2, what do archaeologists want to know about the climate?

根據(jù)第2段，考古學(xué)家想知道關(guān)于氣候的什么?

A. Whether it was a reason that humans lived in caves

B. Whether it was stable throughout that period

C. Whether it changed in similar ways in Africa and Europe

D. Whether it was a factor in how the human cognitive process developed

5. According to paragraph 2, anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks argue that archaeologists' traditional understanding of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was flawed because

根據(jù)第2段，人類學(xué)家麥克布里亞蒂和布魯克斯認(rèn)為，考古學(xué)家對舊石器時代晚期革命的傳統(tǒng)理解是有缺陷的，因?yàn)?/strong>

A. they underestimated available African archaeological evidence.

B. the archaeological evidence available to them contained errors.

C. they could not distinguish artistic creations from objects meant for practical use.

D. they based their judgments on the limited archaeological record available at that time.

6. Anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks consider such components of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution as blade and microlithic technology to have人類學(xué)家麥克布里亞蒂和布魯克斯認(rèn)為，舊石器時代晚期革命的組成部分包括刀鋒和微巖屑技術(shù)

A. first emerged in the Middle Paleolithic Period, in Africa rather than in Europe

B. emerged in Europe independently in many different places at different times

C. first emerged in Europe, then to have been further developed in Africa

D. been part of a similarly sudden, but earlier, cultural revolution in Africa

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