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時間:2019-01-21
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{版本1}
1.主要談了生命起源到底來自哪里的猜想。首先講了早期大氣里就有O2和N2,提到了兩個人,J.B.S Haldan和Oparin Haldane提出的假說。他們假設(shè)當(dāng)時空氣里的O2。
2.第1段介紹了生活在澳洲熱帶的long-neck turtle,它們的棲息地非常地特殊,會隨著干濕兩季的不同,改變棲息地;第2段講到研究者們找了兩年也沒有找到這種龜?shù)臈⒌?,但是?dāng)?shù)氐耐林酥?,他們知道這種龜會將蛋產(chǎn)在水下。為了驗證這個說法,研究者在水下放了很多radio transmitter,turtle下蛋的時候,transmitter會附在蛋上,結(jié)果真的發(fā)現(xiàn),long-neck turtle會在水下14-17米的泥下下蛋;第3段講為什么turtle會選這里下蛋,這和它們生存的環(huán)境有關(guān),它們生存的環(huán)境沒有穩(wěn)定的水,干濕兩季是主要原因。第4段講到 為什么這種龜下蛋在水下,蛋可以生存下來,不同于別的蛋,它們的蛋特別抗壓。
3.景德鎮(zhèn)的陶瓷的歷史2018.7.7主要講述瓷器為什么在景德鎮(zhèn)能夠快速發(fā)展,并且在元代,在此設(shè)立了官窯,同時民窯也興起,達(dá)到了精細(xì)分工的、多流程步驟的、大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)。而且元代統(tǒng)轄區(qū)域廣泛,使得西亞和中東的顏料和設(shè)計圖案都能夠流入中原,所以景德鎮(zhèn)生產(chǎn)出來的瓷器具有多文明要素的融合,便于出口銷往西亞甚至歐美。
4.洗衣劑
先講了最開始的清潔劑是古埃及人發(fā)現(xiàn)的Na.取材于植物,后面講了通過燒這個得到了草木灰也具有清潔作用。再就是把草木灰和fat結(jié)合起來得到了肥皂。然后由于自然得到的草木灰太少,限制了肥皂推廣,一個化學(xué)家用化學(xué)合成得到了更多的草木灰,但是這樣用于生產(chǎn)肥皂的fat不夠了,所以一戰(zhàn)后以石油為原料的肥皂取代了草木灰。最后講了基于酶的清潔劑用來洗其他大分子,因為_點點就可以破壞纖維結(jié)構(gòu),洗去血跡,也讓衣服更柔軟。最后說光照也可以幫助清潔。
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{版本2}
P1: The Old Stone Age is the earliest period of human development and the longest phase of mankind’s history. It was not till around 30 thousand years ago (or 30 “kya") that the archaeological record reveals the emergence of technical and social advances, which comprised new technologies, hunting techniques, human burials, and an artistic tradition of astonishing competency. This dramatic change was known as the Upper Paleolithic Revolution. It had been traditionally argued that the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was an archaeological phenomenon exclusive to Eurasia. The absence of equivalent evidence in other regions suggested that a fundamental change had occurred in human intellectual development around 40 kya in Europe. However, the recent discovery in the Blombos Cave in South Africa of a block of decorated ochre and then sets of shell beads, dated to around 77 kya, opened up the debate. This supports other evidence of more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa from the same period. Now the Upper Paleolithic Revolution is regarded as the most noticeable evidence for the evolution of modern human behavior.
舊石器時代是人類發(fā)展的最早階段,也是人類歷史上最長的階段。直到大約3萬年前(或30“緬元”),考古記錄才揭示了技術(shù)和社會進(jìn)步的出現(xiàn),這些進(jìn)步包括新技術(shù)、狩獵技術(shù)、人類埋葬以及令人驚嘆的能力的藝術(shù)傳統(tǒng)。這種戲劇性的變化被稱為舊石器時代晚期革命。傳統(tǒng)上認(rèn)為舊石器時代晚期的革命是歐亞大陸?yīng)氂械目脊艑W(xué)現(xiàn)象。在其他區(qū)域沒有同樣的證據(jù)表明,歐洲大約在40緬元左右的人類智力發(fā)展發(fā)生了根本變化。然而,最近在南非的布隆博斯洞穴中發(fā)現(xiàn)了一塊裝飾過的赭石,還有幾組貝殼珠子,年代約為77緬元,這引發(fā)了爭議。這也支持了同一時期在非洲發(fā)現(xiàn)的其他多用途石器和骨工具的證據(jù)?,F(xiàn)在,舊石器時代晚期的革命被認(rèn)為是現(xiàn)代人類行為進(jìn)化最顯著的證據(jù)。
P2: Two further questions follow. First, what was happening to the human cognitive process during the 40,000 years or so from innovative usage of stone in the Blombos Cave to the flourishing of human creativity in Europe? Second, during the Pleistocene a series of momentous climatic events occurred—was climate change then a component? The question of whether the sudden transition seen in Europe was built on earlier developments in Africa has been addressed at length by anthropologists Sally McBrearty and Alison Brooks. They argue that the whole issue of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution stems from a profound Eurocentric bias and a failure to appreciate the depth and breadth of the African archaeological record.
接下來還有兩個問題。首先,在大約4萬年的時間里,從布隆伯斯洞穴中石頭的創(chuàng)新使用到歐洲人類創(chuàng)造力的繁榮,人類的認(rèn)知過程發(fā)生了什么變化?其次,在更新世期間發(fā)生了一系列重大的氣候事件——氣候變化是其中的一個組成部分嗎?人類學(xué)家薩利·麥克布里亞蒂(Sally McBrearty)和艾莉森·布魯克斯(Alison Brooks)對歐洲出現(xiàn)的這種突然轉(zhuǎn)變是否建立在非洲早期發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)上進(jìn)行了詳細(xì)的探討。他們認(rèn)為,整個舊石器時代晚期革命的問題源于一種深刻的以歐洲為中心的偏見,以及未能認(rèn)識到非洲考古記錄的深度和廣度。
In fact, many South African archaeological sites show that the revolution occurred in Africa during the Middle Paleolithic—tens of thousands of years before they appeared in Europe. This is supported by evidence of using new stone tools like the blade and microlithic technology. Replication has shown that blades from the time required a high level of skill to make due to their shape, indicating a higher level of hominid complexity. At the same time, exploitation of aquatic resources began to prosper.
事實上,許多南非考古遺址表明,這場革命發(fā)生在非洲的古橄欖中期,比歐洲早了數(shù)萬年。這是由使用新的石器工具,如刀片和微巖屑技術(shù)的證據(jù)支持的。復(fù)制表明,從那時起,由于刀刃的形狀,刀刃的制作就需要很高的技術(shù)水平,這表明原始人類的復(fù)雜性更高。與此同時,水產(chǎn)資源的開發(fā)也開始繁榮起來。
P3: Contrasted with this view of a spontaneous leap in cognition among ancient 一 humans, some authors like Alison S. Brooks, primarily working in African archaeology, point to the gradual accumulation of modern behaviors, starting well before the 50,000 year benchmark of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution models. The extraordinary range of rock art in Australia adds great weight to the idea that artistic creativity was part and parcel of the intellectual capacity of modem humans that migrated out of Africa around 70 kya For the time being, the emergence of Modern humans in sub-Saharan Africa, socio-economic dynamism that caused their expansion through the Nile Valley into the Near East, and then a migration along the southern route of Asia as far as Australia is the most plausible scenario, though it still leaves much to be desired from future archaeological research.
與這種觀點的自發(fā)飛躍認(rèn)知在古代一人類,一些作者喜歡艾莉森·s·布魯克斯,主要在非洲考古工作,指出現(xiàn)代行為的逐漸積累,開始在50000年的舊石器時代晚期革命的基準(zhǔn)模型。澳大利亞巖石藝術(shù)的非凡的范圍增加了很大的重量,藝術(shù)創(chuàng)作是現(xiàn)代人類的智力的一部分遷移出非洲大約有70 kya目前,現(xiàn)代人類的出現(xiàn)在撒哈拉以南非洲地區(qū),社會經(jīng)濟(jì)活力,導(dǎo)致他們的擴(kuò)張通過尼羅河流域近東,然后遷移亞洲南部路線到澳大利亞是最合理的情況下,盡管它在未來的考古研究中仍有許多不足之處。
P4: The question of the sudden emergence of creative activity that appears to constitute the Upper Paleolithic Revolution falls to the ground. The obvious explanation is that the gap between African developments and the subsequent better-known European events is a matter of the limitations of the archaeological record. This does not altogether cover the question of why there was the sudden flowering of creativity at the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in Europe.
創(chuàng)造性活動的突然出現(xiàn)似乎構(gòu)成了舊石器時代晚期的革命,這一問題也就迎刃而解了。顯而易見的解釋是,非洲的發(fā)展與后來更廣為人知的歐洲事件之間的差距是由于考古記錄的局限性。這并不能完全解釋為什么在舊石器時代晚期的歐洲會突然出現(xiàn)創(chuàng)造力的繁榮。
It may be that earlier creative efforts have either been lost in or have yet to emerge from the mists of time. Recent finds of decorative pierced shells dating from 43 kya or even earlier in caves in parts of western Asia near Europe may be examples of a process extending the evidence back in time. The changes in human behavior have also been attributed to the changes in climate during the period, which encompasses a number of global temperature drops. This meant a worsening of the already bitter climate which hence forced the ancestors of today's Europeans to move into a largely unpopulated region, their sudden presence in the archaeological record appearing revolutionary.
可能是早期的創(chuàng)造性努力要么已經(jīng)消失,要么還沒有從時間的迷霧中浮現(xiàn)出來。最近在靠近歐洲的西亞部分地區(qū)的洞穴中發(fā)現(xiàn)了可追溯到43緬元時期甚至更早的裝飾穿甲的貝殼,這可能是將證據(jù)追溯回過去的一個過程的例子。人類行為的變化也歸因于這一時期的氣候變化,包括全球氣溫的多次下降。這意味著本已惡劣的氣候進(jìn)一步惡化,從而迫使今天歐洲人的祖先搬到一個人口稀少的地區(qū),他們突然出現(xiàn)在考古記錄中,似乎是革命性的。
題目:
1. Why does the author mention a block of decorated ochre and sets of shell beads?
作者為什么要提到一塊裝飾過的赭石和一串串貝殼珠子呢?
A. To help make the point that archaeologists regard artistic creations as the highest kind of human achievement
B. To illustrate how the discovery of certain objects makes the discovery of certain other objects more likely
C. To give some of the evidence that has changed archaeologists' thinking about human intellectual development
D. To help explain why archaeologists have been slow to recognize the importance of certain evidence available to them
2. How far back in time do the origins of the more versatile stone implements and bone tools found in Africa go
在非洲發(fā)現(xiàn)的用途更廣的石器和骨工具的起源可以追溯到多久以前
A. To around 40 kya
B. To around 77 kya
C. To the time of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution
D. To a time before modern "human” behavior had begun to evolve
3. The word "equivalent" in the passage is closest in meaning to
這篇文章中的“當(dāng)量”一詞的意思最接近于
A. comprehensible
B. concrete
C. comparable
D. widely debated
4. According to paragraph 2, what do archaeologists want to know about the climate?
根據(jù)第2段,考古學(xué)家想知道關(guān)于氣候的什么?
A. Whether it was a reason that humans lived in caves
B. Whether it was stable throughout that period
C. Whether it changed in similar ways in Africa and Europe
D. Whether it was a factor in how the human cognitive process developed
5. According to paragraph 2, anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks argue that archaeologists' traditional understanding of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution was flawed because
根據(jù)第2段,人類學(xué)家麥克布里亞蒂和布魯克斯認(rèn)為,考古學(xué)家對舊石器時代晚期革命的傳統(tǒng)理解是有缺陷的,因為
A. they underestimated available African archaeological evidence.
B. The archaeological evidence available to them contained errors.
C. they could not distinguish artistic creations from objects meant for practical use.
D. they based their judgments on the limited archaeological record available at that time.
6. Anthropologists McBrearty and Brooks consider such components of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution as blade and microlithic technology to have
人類學(xué)家麥克布里亞蒂和布魯克斯認(rèn)為,舊石器時代晚期革命的組成部分包括刀鋒和微巖屑技術(shù)
A. first emerged in the Middle Paleolithic Period, in Africa rather than in Europe
B. emerged in Europe independently in many different places at different times
C. first emerged in Europe, then to have been further developed in Africa
D. been part of a similarly sudden, but earlier, cultural revolution in Africa
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