奧巴馬發(fā)表卸任演講，精品語(yǔ)料素材不容錯(cuò)過(guò)

當(dāng)?shù)貢r(shí)間1月10日晚，即將卸任的美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬回到其政治生涯的起點(diǎn)芝加哥，在McCormick會(huì)展中心發(fā)表了近一個(gè)小時(shí)的告別演講。他在演講中表示，將與候任總統(tǒng)特朗普順利進(jìn)行權(quán)力交接，同時(shí)指出種族主義仍是美國(guó)的“分裂力量”，美國(guó)民主面臨著挑戰(zhàn)。

奧巴馬在演講中回顧了自己8年的總統(tǒng)生涯，并向美國(guó)人民和自己的妻子米歇爾表示感謝。在演講，奧巴馬數(shù)次揮淚，場(chǎng)面很感人。

我們不在這里評(píng)論奧巴馬的功過(guò)是非，留學(xué)黨們需要好好學(xué)習(xí)一下奧巴馬演講中的語(yǔ)料素材，下面就讓我們看一下奧巴馬的演講吧。

演講全文如下：

It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts – are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.

I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s not just my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea – our bold experiment in self-government.

It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.

So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.

Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set a little too high.

But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. You answered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.

In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.

But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.

Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.

There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism – these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.

In other words, it will determine our future.

Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many people at less cost – I will publicly support it.

That, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, not worse.

But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we must forge a new social compact – to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what our Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face – the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.

So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.

None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s out there.

This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.

Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’s self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’ll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.

It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles – the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.

That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands of terrorists – including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.

But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw from global fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBT rights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.

And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power – with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;” that we should preserve it with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one.

We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.

Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and in Americans – will be confirmed.

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charleston church. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above all to look out for each other.

That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in ways I couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004, in 2008, in 2012 – and maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.

You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’ve been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took on a role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’ve made me proud. You’ve made the country proud.

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.

To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favorite son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.

To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lot more – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thought of all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.

And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change – you are the best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because yes,  ou changed the world.

That’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans – especially so many young people out there – to believe you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation coming up – unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic – I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America’s hallmark, something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result that the future is in good hands.

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my days that remain. For now, whether you’re young or young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President – the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.

I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change – but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written:

Yes We Can.

Yes We Did.

Yes We Can.

Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.

中文譯文：

回家真好！

美利堅(jiān)的同胞們，米歇爾和我在過(guò)去幾周，一直被諸多美好祝福所感動(dòng)。今晚輪到我向你們致謝。不論我們是面對(duì)面見(jiàn)過(guò)，還是從未達(dá)成過(guò)共識(shí)，但我和你們，美國(guó)人民的對(duì)話(huà)——包括在起居室和學(xué)校，在農(nóng)場(chǎng)和工廠，在晚宴和邊遠(yuǎn)的哨所——是讓我保持誠(chéng)實(shí)、受鼓舞和一直前行的力量。每天，我都向你們學(xué)習(xí)。你們讓我成為一個(gè)更好的總統(tǒng)，也成為一個(gè)更好的人。

初到芝加哥，我只有二十歲出頭，那時(shí)的我還在試著弄清我是誰(shuí)，試著尋找生活的意義。就在離這兒不遠(yuǎn)的社區(qū)，在鋼鐵廠被關(guān)閉的陰影中，我開(kāi)始和教會(huì)團(tuán)體共事。正是在這些街道上，我見(jiàn)證了信仰，以及面對(duì)困難與失去的勞動(dòng)人民的沉默的尊嚴(yán)的力量。在這里，我學(xué)到了只有當(dāng)普通人加入、參與，并團(tuán)結(jié)起來(lái)要求改變時(shí)，改變才會(huì)發(fā)生。

8 年的總統(tǒng)生涯后，我依然相信它。而且這不僅是我的信念，還是美國(guó)式思維活的靈魂——我們?cè)谧灾握系拇竽憣?shí)驗(yàn)。

我們堅(jiān)信生來(lái)平等，造物者賦予他們?nèi)舾刹豢蓜儕Z的權(quán)利，包括生存、自由和追求幸福。這些權(quán)利雖然不言自明，但從來(lái)不會(huì)被自動(dòng)執(zhí)行；我們，人民，通過(guò)民主制度，才能形成一個(gè)更完美的合眾國(guó)。這是建國(guó)先賢們留給我們最偉大的禮物，通過(guò)汗水、辛勤工作、想象力，以及一如既往的團(tuán)結(jié)一致去臻于至善的自由。

240 年來(lái)，國(guó)家對(duì)公民的呼喚給了每一代年輕人工作和目標(biāo)。它引領(lǐng)愛(ài)國(guó)者選擇共和而非暴政，引領(lǐng)先驅(qū)者探索西部，引領(lǐng)奴隸勇敢地走向自由；正是它引領(lǐng)移民和難民穿越大洋和格蘭德河（PingWest品譯注：美國(guó)和墨西哥的邊界）來(lái)到這里；正是它促使婦女投票，工人聯(lián)合；它也是士兵們?cè)趭W馬哈海灘、硫磺島、伊拉克和阿富汗獻(xiàn)出生命的原因——從 Selma到 Stonewall （譯注：Selma是美國(guó)幾個(gè)偏遠(yuǎn)小城的稱(chēng)呼，此處不知確指；Stonewall為紐約“石墻酒吧”，1969年同性戀群體以此為起點(diǎn)掀起的“石墻事件”，與六十年代的黑人平權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)、反戰(zhàn)運(yùn)動(dòng)齊名）的人們也準(zhǔn)備這么做。

所以這才是我們說(shuō)美國(guó)出類(lèi)拔萃的真正所指。我們的國(guó)家并非一開(kāi)始就完美，而是我們有能力作出改變，能讓追隨它的人活得更好。

是的，我們的前行之路并不平坦。民主政治從來(lái)都是艱難、充滿(mǎn)爭(zhēng)議甚至有時(shí)要付出血的代價(jià)。經(jīng)常是走兩步，退一步。但是，美國(guó)的漫長(zhǎng)進(jìn)程已經(jīng)被進(jìn)步所定義，它不斷擴(kuò)大我們的創(chuàng)始信條，以擁抱所有人，而不僅僅是特定群體。

如果 8 年前我告訴你，美國(guó)將扭轉(zhuǎn)一場(chǎng)大衰退，重啟我們的汽車(chē)產(chǎn)業(yè)，以及發(fā)起史上最長(zhǎng)的創(chuàng)造就業(yè)運(yùn)動(dòng)……如果我告訴你我們會(huì)同古巴人民揭開(kāi)新篇章，不費(fèi)一槍一彈地叫停伊朗核武計(jì)劃，以及消滅 9·11 事件的幕后主使……如果我告訴你我們會(huì)在婚姻平權(quán)上取得勝利，并確保另外 2000 萬(wàn)同胞加入健康保險(xiǎn)——你可能會(huì)說(shuō)我們的目標(biāo)設(shè)置得有點(diǎn)太高。

但這就是我們做到的。這就是你們做到的。你們就是改變。你們回應(yīng)了人民的希望，而且正是因?yàn)槟銈?，無(wú)論如何，美國(guó)都比我們開(kāi)始時(shí)更美好，更強(qiáng)大。

在十天內(nèi)，世界將目睹我們民主政治的一個(gè)標(biāo)志：權(quán)力從一個(gè)被自由選舉出的總統(tǒng)和平移交給下一任。 我向當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)特朗普承諾，我的政府將像布什總統(tǒng)為我做的那樣，確保最平滑的過(guò)渡。 因?yàn)槲覀兯腥硕家_保我們的政府能幫助我們繼續(xù)應(yīng)對(duì)紛至沓來(lái)的挑戰(zhàn)。

我們有需要這樣做的理由。畢竟，我們?nèi)匀皇沁@個(gè)地球商最富裕，最強(qiáng)大以及最受尊敬的國(guó)家。我們的年輕和進(jìn)取，我們多元性和開(kāi)放精神，我們對(duì)冒險(xiǎn)和革新的無(wú)限包容，都意味著未來(lái)依然非我們莫屬。

但是只有我們的民主還在工作，只有當(dāng)我們的政治反映人民的體面，只有當(dāng)我們所有人，無(wú)論隸屬于任何政黨或有不同的利益，一起重建現(xiàn)在亟需達(dá)成的共識(shí)之時(shí)，這些潛力才能得以發(fā)揮。這是我今晚想要強(qiáng)調(diào)的——我們的民主政治的現(xiàn)狀。

理解、民主不需要統(tǒng)一。開(kāi)國(guó)先賢們有爭(zhēng)吵，也有妥協(xié)，他們也希望我們?nèi)绱?。但是他們也知道民主需要一些基本的團(tuán)結(jié)意識(shí)——不管外在的我們有多么不同，我們是一個(gè)整體，我們共進(jìn)退。

歷史上有一些威脅到這種團(tuán)結(jié)的關(guān)頭，本世紀(jì)初就是其中之一。 一個(gè)不斷變小的世界，不斷擴(kuò)大的不平等; 人口變化和恐怖主義的幽靈——這些威脅不僅考驗(yàn)了我們的安全和繁榮，也考驗(yàn)了我們的民主。我們?nèi)绾螒?yīng)對(duì)這些對(duì)民主的挑戰(zhàn)，將決定我們能不能好好教育孩子，創(chuàng)造好的工作機(jī)會(huì)及保護(hù)我們的家園。

換言之，它將決定我們的未來(lái)。

如果意識(shí)不到每個(gè)人都有經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)遇，我們的民主就會(huì)失靈。今天，經(jīng)濟(jì)又開(kāi)始增長(zhǎng)；工資、收入、家庭財(cái)產(chǎn)和退休金賬戶(hù)又開(kāi)始增加；貧困又開(kāi)始減少。富人們?cè)诮桓侠淼亩惖耐瑫r(shí)，股票市場(chǎng)也破了記錄；失業(yè)率降至近十年來(lái)最低。未上保險(xiǎn)的比率低到前所未有。醫(yī)療健康支出增長(zhǎng)率是近五十年最低。如果有任何人能提出一個(gè)可供證實(shí)的、比我們對(duì)醫(yī)療健康體系的改進(jìn)更好的計(jì)劃——以更少的支出覆蓋更多的人民——我都會(huì)公開(kāi)支持。

總而言之，這是我們服務(wù)的目的——為人民生活多造福，少貽禍。

但檢視我們?nèi)〉玫膶?shí)際進(jìn)步，我們明白這還不夠。我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)并不健康，增長(zhǎng)也不強(qiáng)勁。有時(shí)甚至以犧牲中產(chǎn)階級(jí)的增長(zhǎng)為代價(jià)換取一時(shí)繁榮。而赤裸裸的不平等也在侵蝕著我們的民主原則。排名前1%的群體攫取了更多的財(cái)富收入，太多普通家庭、內(nèi)陸城市和縣域城市都難望其項(xiàng)背。政治格局中的兩極分化和憤世嫉俗并存，苦苦掙扎著還賬的失業(yè)工人、服務(wù)生和醫(yī)護(hù)人員，認(rèn)為游戲規(guī)則是在針對(duì)自己，他們的政府只為有權(quán)勢(shì)者效勞。

沒(méi)有立竿見(jiàn)影的神藥可以阻止這種長(zhǎng)期趨勢(shì)。我相信，貿(mào)易應(yīng)當(dāng)公平而非僅僅是免費(fèi)。但下一輪經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型并非來(lái)自海外，而注定來(lái)自令許多中產(chǎn)階級(jí)失業(yè)的自動(dòng)化浪潮。我們必須打造一種新型的社會(huì)契約——保證孩子們都受到應(yīng)得的教育；賦予工人們成立工會(huì)的權(quán)力，以爭(zhēng)取更多工資；升級(jí)關(guān)乎當(dāng)下生活方式的社會(huì)安全網(wǎng)絡(luò)；要進(jìn)行更多稅改工作，保證在新經(jīng)濟(jì)模式中獲利的公司法人和個(gè)人，都不能免除對(duì)國(guó)家的義務(wù)，因?yàn)閲?guó)家保證了他們能獲得成功。我們可以爭(zhēng)辯如何最好地實(shí)現(xiàn)這些目標(biāo)，但不能為目標(biāo)本身而心滿(mǎn)意足。因?yàn)槲覀內(nèi)绻粸槿駝?chuàng)造機(jī)會(huì)，那么在未來(lái)幾年，阻止我們前進(jìn)的不滿(mǎn)和分裂將更尖銳。

第二個(gè)對(duì)民主的威脅則與我們的民族一樣久遠(yuǎn)。在我當(dāng)選之后，還有關(guān)于美國(guó)“后種族歧視”時(shí)代的討論。無(wú)論出于什么好意，這種境況都絕不現(xiàn)實(shí)。因?yàn)榉N族問(wèn)題依然嚴(yán)重，而且常撕裂社會(huì)。長(zhǎng)久以來(lái)，我已切身感受到，如今的種族關(guān)系已遠(yuǎn)勝十年前、二十年前乃至三十年前，這不僅體現(xiàn)在數(shù)字上，還體現(xiàn)在，縱觀政治光譜，其中的美國(guó)年輕人態(tài)度也大有改觀。

但如今我們并不應(yīng)止于此，我們所有人都還有更多工作要做。畢竟，如果每個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題都在白人中產(chǎn)階級(jí)和不值一提的少數(shù)族裔的爭(zhēng)斗中鬧騰，那么各行業(yè)工人們都會(huì)離開(kāi)崗位大鬧一番。如此一來(lái)，富人則會(huì)進(jìn)一步龜縮入他們的私人領(lǐng)地。如果我們僅因移民們看起來(lái)非我族類(lèi)，就削減對(duì)移民子弟的投入，那我們也是在縮減我們自己孩子的未來(lái)空間——因?yàn)槟切┳厣朔N的孩子將占據(jù)美國(guó)勞動(dòng)力的更多份額。而我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)絕不能成為一場(chǎng)零和博弈。而去年，各族群、全年齡層的男女性都實(shí)現(xiàn)了收入增長(zhǎng)。

未來(lái)，我們必須在招聘、居住、教育和刑事司法體系等領(lǐng)域，全力支持反種族歧視法律。我們的憲法和最高理想所需要的正是這些。但僅有法律還不夠，人心要變。如果我們的民主制度注定要在這種日益增長(zhǎng)的分裂族群中運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，那么每個(gè)人都應(yīng)該努力留意那本美國(guó)小說(shuō)中的人物：阿提克斯·芬奇（譯注：即美國(guó)作家哈珀·李于1960年發(fā)表的小說(shuō)《殺死一只知更鳥(niǎo)》，涉及種族歧視和強(qiáng)暴等話(huà)題，敘述者的父親阿提克斯·芬奇在書(shū)中為道德端正的角色，亦是正直律師的典范），他曾說(shuō)過(guò)：“你永遠(yuǎn)不能真正了解一個(gè)人，除非你從他的角度去看問(wèn)題，除非你披著他的皮囊行走世間?！?/p>

對(duì)黑人和其他少數(shù)族裔來(lái)說(shuō)，我們?yōu)楣M(jìn)行的斗爭(zhēng)，將關(guān)乎這個(gè)國(guó)家的許多人所面臨的挑戰(zhàn)，這些人包括難民、移民、鄉(xiāng)村貧困群體、跨性別美國(guó)人，和那些看起來(lái)?xiàng)l件得天獨(dú)厚，事實(shí)上被經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化和技術(shù)徹底改變了境遇的中年美國(guó)白人。

對(duì)美國(guó)白人而言，這意味著承認(rèn)奴隸制和黑人在1960年代并沒(méi)有突然消失；承認(rèn)在那個(gè)年代，發(fā)出不滿(mǎn)呼聲的少數(shù)族裔，并不僅是參加“種族反歧視”或踐行政治正確；承認(rèn)他們參加和平抗議并不意味著尋求特殊待遇，而是要求獲得建國(guó)元?jiǎng)讉兯手Z的公正待遇。

對(duì)美國(guó)土著們來(lái)說(shuō)，這意味著時(shí)刻提醒我們自己，今天所有有關(guān)愛(ài)爾蘭人、意大利人和波蘭人等移民的成規(guī)都將被逐字重復(fù)。美利堅(jiān)并不會(huì)因?yàn)楹髞?lái)者的出現(xiàn)而弱化，他們擁抱了這個(gè)民族的信條，美利堅(jiān)將因此而堅(jiān)挺。

除了我們居住的國(guó)家，我們應(yīng)該與每個(gè)愛(ài)國(guó)公民一起努力嘗試。愛(ài)國(guó)公民與我們一樣，珍視努力工作和家庭，他們的孩子也和我們自己的孩子一樣有著求知欲和希望，并值得珍愛(ài)。

這些沒(méi)一樣是簡(jiǎn)單的。對(duì)大多數(shù)人來(lái)說(shuō)，退居自己的幻境中以自保是上策。不論鄰居、大學(xué)校園、宗教場(chǎng)所還是社交網(wǎng)絡(luò)，都是與我們相似的的人，持有相同的政治觀點(diǎn)，永不改變我們的愿景。日漸赤裸的黨派之爭(zhēng)、日漸增多的經(jīng)濟(jì)和宗教分層、為了迎合各種品位而日漸分裂的媒體——所有這些都令站隊(duì)排序站隊(duì)排序看起來(lái)更合天理，乃至不可避免。我們?nèi)諠u習(xí)慣于停留在舒適區(qū)享受安全，無(wú)論對(duì)錯(cuò)，我們只愿接受合乎己見(jiàn)的信息，而非接受客觀信息。

這是威脅我們民主制度的第三股趨勢(shì)。政治活動(dòng)即是理念之爭(zhēng)。為了進(jìn)行一場(chǎng)有益的辯論，我們將不同目標(biāo)和通向目標(biāo)的不同路徑都做了排序。但在沒(méi)有一些事實(shí)的公共底線(xiàn)，沒(méi)有容納新信息，沒(méi)有承認(rèn)你的對(duì)手說(shuō)得好，沒(méi)有承認(rèn)科學(xué)和合乎邏輯的事實(shí)的勇氣的話(huà)，我們將停留在相互談?wù)撨^(guò)去的狀態(tài)，不可能達(dá)成共識(shí)和尋求妥協(xié)。

這不正是政治讓人如此沮喪之處嗎？那些民選官員為什么會(huì)在我們?cè)噲D為學(xué)前教育的孩子花錢(qián)時(shí)憤怒，但在為企業(yè)減稅時(shí)就不會(huì)了？我們?cè)趺纯梢詾樽约狐h派的道德瑕疵找借口，卻對(duì)其他黨派同樣的行為大加抨擊？這不僅不誠(chéng)實(shí)，還是在掩耳盜鈴，這是自掘墳?zāi)埂Ｒ驗(yàn)槲业哪赣H岑告訴我，現(xiàn)實(shí)總有辦法追上你。

關(guān)于應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化的挑戰(zhàn)。僅僅八年時(shí)間，我們對(duì)國(guó)外石油的依賴(lài)減半，而且讓新能源使用增長(zhǎng)了一倍。我們引領(lǐng)世界達(dá)成了一項(xiàng)拯救地球的協(xié)定。但是如果沒(méi)有更進(jìn)一步的行動(dòng)，我們的子孫后代將沒(méi)有時(shí)間討論氣候變化是否存在。他們將忙于處理后果：越來(lái)越多的自然災(zāi)難，越來(lái)越多的經(jīng)濟(jì)混亂，以及一波又一波尋求庇護(hù)的環(huán)境難民。

現(xiàn)在，我們可以而且應(yīng)該討論解決問(wèn)題的最好方法。簡(jiǎn)單地忽視這個(gè)問(wèn)題不僅是背叛未來(lái)一代，還背叛了指導(dǎo)建國(guó)先賢們的創(chuàng)新和實(shí)用的解決問(wèn)題的基本精神。

正是這種精神，讓我們成為了經(jīng)濟(jì)強(qiáng)國(guó)——這種精神讓萊特兄弟在 Kitty Hawk（譯注：北卡州的一座小村莊）飛起第一架飛機(jī)，這精神治愈疾病，還將電腦放進(jìn)每一個(gè)人的口袋。

這是這種精神——一種對(duì)理性、創(chuàng)業(yè)精神和權(quán)利高于強(qiáng)權(quán)的信念，使我們能在大蕭條期間，抵御法西斯主義的暴政和誘惑，與其他民主國(guó)家一起建立二戰(zhàn)后的秩序。這種力量不僅僅是基于軍事力量或國(guó)家之間的關(guān)系，而是建立在信條之上——法律、人權(quán)、宗教自由、言論、集會(huì)自由和出版媒體獨(dú)立。

這種秩序正面臨挑戰(zhàn)——首先是自稱(chēng)為伊斯蘭發(fā)聲的暴徒，最近是一些國(guó)家獨(dú)裁者，他們把自由市場(chǎng)、開(kāi)放民主和公民社會(huì)看做是他們權(quán)力的威脅。每一個(gè)舉動(dòng)對(duì)我們民主的威脅，都遠(yuǎn)大于一個(gè)汽車(chē)炸彈或?qū)棧凰从沉宋覀儗?duì)改變的畏懼；對(duì)長(zhǎng)相不同、語(yǔ)言不同或信仰不同的人們的畏懼；對(duì)限制領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的法律規(guī)章的蔑視；對(duì)異議和自由思想的不容忍；轉(zhuǎn)而相信刀劍、武器或炸彈、宣傳機(jī)器是真實(shí)和正確的最終仲裁者。

正是因?yàn)樯碇品哪信畟兊姆欠灿職?，我們的情?bào)人員和執(zhí)法人員，以及支持他們的外交官們，過(guò)去 8 年，沒(méi)有任何外國(guó)恐怖組織成功在我們的國(guó)土上策劃和實(shí)施襲擊。盡管波士頓、奧蘭多和圣貝納迪多的槍擊案都在提醒我們激進(jìn)有多危險(xiǎn)，但我們的執(zhí)法機(jī)構(gòu)比以前任何時(shí)候都更有效，更警惕。我們除掉了數(shù)以萬(wàn)計(jì)的恐怖分子——包括本·拉登。我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的對(duì)抗 ISIL （譯注：“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯蘭國(guó)”）的全球聯(lián)盟已經(jīng)消滅了他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，并且控制了他們大半的土地。ISIL 會(huì)被消滅的，任何威脅美國(guó)的人將永無(wú)寧日。對(duì)所有服役或曾經(jīng)服役的人，作為你們的最高指揮官是我一生的榮幸。

但是，保衛(wèi)我們的生活并不僅僅是軍隊(duì)的工作。當(dāng)我們向恐懼妥協(xié)時(shí)，民主就會(huì)屈膝。所以，我們，作為公民，必須保持對(duì)外部侵略的警惕，我們必須警惕讓我們成為我們的價(jià)值觀的衰落。這也是為什么，過(guò)去 8 年，我一直致力于為打擊恐怖主義建立牢固的法律基礎(chǔ)。這是為什么我們結(jié)束虐囚，準(zhǔn)備關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄，改革政府監(jiān)視法律來(lái)保護(hù)隱私和公民自由的理由；這是為什么我抵制歧視穆斯林美國(guó)人的理由，他們是和我們一樣的愛(ài)國(guó)者；這是為什么我們不能放棄在全球范圍內(nèi)力爭(zhēng)擴(kuò)大民主，維護(hù)人權(quán)，維護(hù)婦女和 LGBT 群體的權(quán)利——不管我們的努力有多不完善，不管這些工作的價(jià)值在短期內(nèi)會(huì)多么被忽視，這是保衛(wèi)美國(guó)的一部分。對(duì)極端主義、不包容、宗派主義、沙文主義的斗爭(zhēng)，和對(duì)獨(dú)裁主義及國(guó)家侵略的斗爭(zhēng)，均屬同一陣線(xiàn)。如果自由的范圍和對(duì)法律的尊重出現(xiàn)全球性受挫，內(nèi)戰(zhàn)和國(guó)家之間出現(xiàn)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的可能性就會(huì)增加，我們自己的自由也會(huì)逐漸被威脅。

所以我們要更加警惕，但不是害怕。ISIL 會(huì)企圖殺害無(wú)辜平民，但除非我們?cè)诙窢?zhēng)中背叛憲法和我們的信條，否則他們贏不了美國(guó)。俄羅斯或中國(guó)這樣的對(duì)手，不足以匹配我們?cè)谑澜绲挠绊懥Α俏覀兎艞壷鲝?，變成一個(gè)只會(huì)欺負(fù)周邊小國(guó)的大國(guó)。

所有這些都取決于我們的參與度，取決于我們每個(gè)人對(duì)公民責(zé)任的接受度，而與權(quán)力在哪個(gè)黨派手中無(wú)關(guān)。

我們的憲法是一部卓越而出色的禮物。但它只是一張羊皮紙，其本身并無(wú)力量。我們?nèi)嗣?，用參與度和選擇，賦予它力量。無(wú)論我們是否擁護(hù)我們的自由，無(wú)論我們是否尊重和加強(qiáng)法律條文，美利堅(jiān)都不是脆弱之物，但我們通往自由之路的利益依舊不確定。

在喬治·華盛頓的告別演講中，他寫(xiě)到：民主自治是我們安全繁榮和自由的基石。但“從不同的原因和不同的方面，這會(huì)產(chǎn)生痛苦……現(xiàn)實(shí)會(huì)削弱你心中的信念，這時(shí)我們應(yīng)該用”唯恐失去的焦慮“來(lái)應(yīng)對(duì)。我們應(yīng)該防微杜漸，拒絕“任何分裂我們國(guó)家分裂的企圖”，并保持團(tuán)結(jié)一致。

當(dāng)我們放任政治對(duì)話(huà)變得骯臟腐朽，以至有良好品格的人被踢出公共服務(wù)，我們就被削弱了。我們除了反對(duì)誤導(dǎo)，還反對(duì)各種歹意。當(dāng)我們非要就“誰(shuí)更美國(guó)”分出高下之時(shí)，我們就被變?nèi)趿?。尤其是?dāng)我們因?yàn)楦瘮《坏貌魂P(guān)停整個(gè)政府系統(tǒng)，并責(zé)怪我們選舉的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，卻不反省自己在這場(chǎng)選舉所扮演的角色。

我們每個(gè)人都理應(yīng)為民主鼓與呼，并成為它的守衛(wèi)者，擁抱這個(gè)天生的快樂(lè)使命，它將綿綿不絕地造福這個(gè)國(guó)度。因?yàn)榧幢阌性俣嗤庠诓町?，我們?nèi)匀挥兄粋€(gè)值得驕傲的頭銜：公民。

最后，這是民主對(duì)我們的要求。它需要你的參與，不僅在大選投票時(shí)，不僅在你狹隘的利益受到威脅時(shí)，它貫穿著整個(gè)人生的維度。如果你厭倦與人在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上爭(zhēng)吵，大可嘗試回到現(xiàn)實(shí)找個(gè)人聊天；如果有什么東西需要修補(bǔ)，大可系好鞋帶，擼起袖子加油干；如果你對(duì)當(dāng)選的官員感到失望，大可拿出剪貼板，爭(zhēng)取簽名，運(yùn)營(yíng)一間屬于自己的選舉辦公室。大膽表現(xiàn)，專(zhuān)注做事，持之以恒，或成或敗。就算存著好心去做事也有風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，可能也會(huì)給你帶來(lái)失望。但對(duì)于我們這些幸運(yùn)者而言，這是工作的一部分，讓我告訴你，當(dāng)接近它，你就能從中獲得激勵(lì)和啟發(fā)。你對(duì)于美國(guó)以及美國(guó)人的信仰，遲早都會(huì)得到印證。

我保證肯定如此。在過(guò)去八年的任職中，我從年輕的畢業(yè)生以及軍官中看到過(guò)充滿(mǎn)希望的臉孔；我為悲傷的家庭哀悼，尋求答案，并在查爾斯頓（譯注：西弗吉尼亞首府）的教堂找到了恩惠；我見(jiàn)過(guò)科學(xué)家?guī)椭粋€(gè)癱瘓的人恢復(fù)觸覺(jué)，我們受傷的戰(zhàn)士又恢復(fù)行走能力了； 我見(jiàn)過(guò)我們的醫(yī)生和志愿者在地震后重建，盡其職責(zé)，阻止流行病的爆發(fā)；我看到最小的兒童提醒我們，我們有義務(wù)照顧難民，平和地工作，相互照顧。

我堅(jiān)信多年的信仰，并沒(méi)有遠(yuǎn)離，而是變成為美國(guó)人帶來(lái)變化的力量。這股信念已經(jīng)多到難以回報(bào)，我希望你們也是這樣想的。你們現(xiàn)場(chǎng)當(dāng)中的某人或者守候在電視機(jī)前的某人都一直團(tuán)結(jié)著，從 2004 年到 2008 年再到 2014 年，可能你依然無(wú)法相信，我們居然至今同行。

你并不孤單，米歇爾。過(guò)去二十五年，你不僅是我的妻子和孩子的母親，而且是我最好的朋友。你扮演一個(gè)無(wú)所求的角色，并使它充滿(mǎn)自己的優(yōu)雅、風(fēng)格和幽默。你使白宮成為屬于每個(gè)人的地方。而新一代的視野更高，因?yàn)樗麄冇心阕鳛榘駱?。你令我感到自豪。你讓?guó)家感到自豪。

瑪麗亞和薩莎，在這種最奇特的環(huán)境中，你們成為兩個(gè)驚人的年輕女性，聰明又美麗，但更重要的是，善良、周到且充滿(mǎn)激情。你在聚光燈下承受了多年的負(fù)擔(dān)，依然輕松面對(duì)?；仡櫸乙簧械某删?，最自豪的是成為你們的爸爸。

致敬喬·拜登，來(lái)自斯克蘭頓的淘氣小孩，后來(lái)成為了最受歡迎的特拉華之子：當(dāng)我成為候選人時(shí)你是我的第一、也是最佳選擇。不僅僅是因?yàn)槟闶且晃蝗绱顺錾母笨偨y(tǒng)，更使我收獲了一位兄弟。我們像家人一樣愛(ài)你和 Jill，我們的友誼是我們生活中最大的快樂(lè)之一。

致敬我最棒的團(tuán)隊(duì)：8 年以來(lái)——對(duì)你們中的有些人來(lái)說(shuō)，時(shí)間更長(zhǎng)——我從你們的能量中獲得鼓舞，并試圖回想你們每天表現(xiàn)的真心、品性和理想主義。我見(jiàn)證了你們成長(zhǎng)、結(jié)婚、生子，以及開(kāi)始你們自己的美妙的新旅程。即使在困難和沮喪的時(shí)候，你們都從來(lái)沒(méi)有讓華盛頓的政治打敗自己，變成憤世嫉俗的人。我們一起取得的成績(jī)已經(jīng)足夠榮耀，唯一讓我更自豪的是想到你們未來(lái)將會(huì)取得的非凡成績(jī)。

以及致敬你們所有人——每一個(gè)搬到陌生城鎮(zhèn)的組織者，每一個(gè)接納他們的家庭，每一位上門(mén)拜訪的志愿者，每一個(gè)初次投票的年輕人，每一個(gè)親身體味改變之艱難的美國(guó)人。你們是所有人都想要的支持者和組織者，我將永遠(yuǎn)心存感激。因?yàn)槭悄銈兏淖兞耸澜纭?/p>

這也是為什么今晚我離開(kāi)這個(gè)舞臺(tái)后，我們可以比開(kāi)始時(shí)對(duì)這個(gè)國(guó)家的未來(lái)更加樂(lè)觀。因?yàn)槲抑牢覀兊墓ぷ鞑粌H幫助和很多美國(guó)人，它也鼓舞了如此多的美國(guó)人——尤其是那么多的年輕人——相信自己會(huì)有所作為，對(duì)比自我偉大的事業(yè)抱有雄心。我來(lái)告訴你們，無(wú)私、利他、創(chuàng)新、愛(ài)國(guó)的一代已經(jīng)到來(lái)，我在這個(gè)國(guó)家的每一個(gè)角落都能看到你們。你們堅(jiān)信一個(gè)公平、正義和包容的美國(guó)，你們知道美國(guó)的標(biāo)志就是不斷改變，這不是應(yīng)該恐懼而是應(yīng)該擁抱的，你們?cè)敢獬袚?dān)讓民主的前行的重任。很快，你們就會(huì)超過(guò)我們，因此，我相信未來(lái)會(huì)在更好的人手中。

美利堅(jiān)的同胞們，服務(wù)你們是我一生的榮幸。我不會(huì)止步，實(shí)際上，我的余生都會(huì)和你們?cè)谝黄?，作為一個(gè)公民?，F(xiàn)在，不管你年輕還是心態(tài)年輕，我作為總統(tǒng)向你們提出最后一個(gè)請(qǐng)求——和 8 年前你們選我做總統(tǒng)時(shí)的請(qǐng)求一樣。

我請(qǐng)求你們相信。不是我的能力帶來(lái)了改變，而是你們。

我要求你堅(jiān)持那些被寫(xiě)進(jìn)建國(guó)綱領(lǐng)的精神；那些奴隸以及廢奴主義者低聲細(xì)語(yǔ)的想法；那些移民和家園被竊取者追求正義的靈魂歌唱；那些把旗幟插在國(guó)外戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)和月球表面的人的信念重申；那些每一個(gè)故事還沒(méi)有被書(shū)寫(xiě)的美國(guó)人內(nèi)心堅(jiān)持的信念。

是的，我們可以的。

是的，我們做到了。

是的，我們可以的。

謝謝！愿上帝保佑你，愿上帝繼續(xù)保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)！

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